AVZ Discussion 2022

Pokok

Regular
M23 / Rwanda aren’t that far from Manono. Which is quite concerning for me, as I have no idea what Rwanda would decide to do with us. Their entire reason for the expansion is to secure more minerals - so why would they care about our so called legal rights or anyone else’s.

I say this as the DRC army has been completely inadequate (imagine not paying your soldiers or even giving them weapons and ammo or even food) with barely any fighting and they have just melted away. If Kagame decides he wants to secure more critical minerals and head further south from Bukavu, I fear that Manono will also be taken by M23.
Fu^k break it up , IMO that sounds like a load of horse dung , Manono taken where by M23 , stop giving people more BS to think about
 
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Frank

Top 20
1739857063044.png

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Shame-On-You.jpg


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Shame !!! .jpg
 
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Frank

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ptlas

Regular
I removed the gratuitous sexual poses etc, so apologies for any mistakes, but I'm sure you get the drift.

I pasted a Guardian article saying much the same thing last year.
It's probably a shock to many that DRC leaders could be involved in such behaiour - sorry to shatter such illusions




EXCLUSIVESecret depravity of the Davos global elite: More sex parties than ever, NDAs for prostitutes, transsexual women… and the most commonly-requested sex act revealed​

By MIRIAM KUEPPER

Published: 20:37 AEDT, 25 January 2025 | Updated: 04:52 AEDT, 26 January 2025



The secret depravity of the global elite coming to the World Economic Forum in Davos has been laid bare, with escort agencies revealing that the demand for sex parties, NDAs for prostitutes and transsexual women has increased.
The forum, which started on Monday, has welcomed more than 3,000 business and political leaders to the Swiss Alps.
But not just the global elite has flocked to the town, as escorts are more in demand than ever among those attending the event.
symbol


And according to one website that organises what it calls 'dates you pay for', many of the arrivals are enjoying sex orgies - arranged by individuals who are booking multiple women at once.
'Since the start of the WEF, we've seen around 300 women and trans women been booked in Davos and the surrounding area,' Andreas Berger, spokesman for Titt4tat, told MailOnline.
This is compared to about 170 women in 2024. 'In terms of the number of bookings for commercial intimacy, it was another record year for us [at the WEF],' Mr Berger said.
'There were significantly more sex parties than in previous years,' he added, based on the amount of escorts booked - 300 - by just around 90 customers compared to 140 last year.
And it seems wealthy and powerful clients are also going to increased lengths to keep their sexual activities secret.
'What has changed is that a lot of women in and around Davos now have to sign NDAs [non-disclosure agreements]' Mr Berger said, adding that these agreements were often in English.

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The secret depravity of the global elite coming to the World Economic Forum in Davos has been laid bare, with escort agencies revealing that the demand for sex parties, NDAs for prostitutes and transsexual women has increased (stock image)
The forum, which started on Monday, has welcomed more than 3,000 business and political leaders to the Swiss Alps

+5
View gallery
The forum, which started on Monday, has welcomed more than 3,000 business and political leaders to the Swiss Alps
TRENDING


Escorts hired during the WEF have to offer a particular skill set to appeal to clients, according to Susann from the Swiss Escort Avantgarde agency

Read More

EXCLUSIVE


What the global elite reveal to Davos sex workers: High-class escort spills the beans

article image
'Of course I can only speak for our agency, but conversations with other agencies and models show that many men use these services.
'The main difference lies less in the event itself, but rather in the type of agency and the respective price segment they serve - which often correlates with the customers' income.
'Our agency operates in the high-class segment, which also reflects our typical customer base.'
'Our models are usually bilingual, as we address a more sophisticated and high-quality clientele,' Jan and Lia from exclusive agency Lia Models echoed, adding that the in-demand languages were English as the main language and German or French.
'In Davos, people like to show off in the evenings alongside a particularly eye-catching and attractive woman who is introduced as a companion or friend.
'It is advantageous if the companion is not only visually convincing, but also intelligent and quick-witted.
'Ultimately, it is important that the date runs harmoniously and that the companion conveys credibly that she is the client's partner.
'Elegance, style and the ability to comfortable manoeuver at a high social level take centre stage. A confident appearance is essential in order to meet customer expectations in this exclusive environment.'


Jan and Lia from the Lia Models escort agency said that major events like WEF would generally lead to an increased interest in escorts due to 'many high-ranking and solvent guests arriving from all over the world'

View gallery
Discretion, all three providers have urged, is of utmost importance in the escort business
Of course, the main reason escorts flock to Davos for WEF is to make money - with eye-watering rates charged during the event and some women easily commanding £6,000 per booking.
But the amounts are nothing to the wealthy clients, the various escort agencies agree - and their customers typically pay for several hours of 'company' with the women.
Titt4tat's Mr Berger added that the average booking duration at the WEF is four hours, which combined with the average hourly rate and the 300 bookings on Titt4Tat during the first three days of the WEF alone would amount to about CHF300,000 (£270,000).
'But there are other providers and agencies. My estimate would be about 1 million CHF (£900,000) in total,' Mr Berger added.

BTW
This was a 1 second google search
 
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j.l

Regular
M23 / Rwanda aren’t that far from Manono. Which is quite concerning for me, as I have no idea what Rwanda would decide to do with us. Their entire reason for the expansion is to secure more minerals - so why would they care about our so called legal rights or anyone else’s.

I say this as the DRC army has been completely inadequate (imagine not paying your soldiers or even giving them weapons and ammo or even food) with barely any fighting and they have just melted away. If Kagame decides he wants to secure more critical minerals and head further south from Bukavu, I fear that Manono will also be taken by M23.

Trying to be positive here, Goma and Bukavu are directly on the DRC-Rwanda border and are the two cities either end of Lake Kivu. If you were going to cross the border from Rwanda you're going to go through one of those two cities almost immediately.

Manono, on the other hand, is 550km south west of Rwandan border, as the crow flies. We know the roads aren't great around Manono, and assuming they're not much better in the surrounding region, I imagine it would quite a logistical challenge to get an army down to Manono. There's no opportunity for cross-border support because the eastern border near Manono is formed by Lake Taganyika (which we know well!) and Tanzania. So that's a long supply chain to maintain from Rwanda.

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Mr Clean

Regular
Fu^k break it up , IMO that sounds like a load of horse dung , Manono taken where by M23 , stop giving people more BS to think about
M23 captured the 2 largest cities in the East. Goma has a population of 1.5 million people and was one of the most important cities in the whole of the DRC. Hardly any fighting to stop their progress except from foreign mercenaries - the DRC army is a complete joke. Bukavu fell with a whimper. Barely attacked and the locals welcomed them in as their saviours (tens of thousands of more civilians and DRC army forces fled from them)

I think M23 will find it hard to administer all their newly conquered territory. It’ll take them a few months before they can probably move again. Which direction they go will be interesting. If it’s further south they will get closer to us (not that great a distance to Manono - even with the absolute terrible infrastructure between Bukavu and Manono)

Without the deployment of serious firepower by foreign countries, Rwandan / Ugandan and M23 fighters will continue to gobble up territory with no real opposition.
 
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Mr Clean

Regular
Trying to be positive here, Goma and Bukavu are directly on the DRC-Rwanda border and are the two cities either end of Lake Kivu. If you were going to cross the border from Rwanda you're going to go through one of those two cities almost immediately.

Manono, on the other hand, is 550km south west of Rwandan border, as the crow flies. We know the roads aren't great around Manono, and assuming they're not much better in the surrounding region, I imagine it would quite a logistical challenge to get an army down to Manono. There's no opportunity for cross-border support because the eastern border near Manono is formed by Lake Taganyika (which we know well!) and Tanzania. So that's a long supply chain to maintain from Rwanda.

View attachment 77719

View attachment 77720
I agree. The fact that there is abysmal infrastructure is our one saving grace.
If there was a highway leading south we would be in a lot of trouble. There is no doubt that the large scale war being fought in the DRC now has significantly raised the risk profile of any DRC business dealings (if it wasn’t already stupidly high).

I think our window of sale to a western company has well and truly shut now. I can very much see situations of further fracturing of the loose alliances held within the DRC army, as more rebel groups decide to break away and secure their own fiefdoms and control over a floundering central authority thousands of kilometres away which is corrupt to the core
 
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j.l

Regular
I agree. The fact that there is abysmal infrastructure is our one saving grace.
If there was a highway leading south we would be in a lot of trouble. There is no doubt that the large scale war being fought in the DRC now has significantly raised the risk profile of any DRC business dealings (if it wasn’t already stupidly high).

I think our window of sale to a western company has well and truly shut now. I can very much see situations of further fracturing of the loose alliances held within the DRC army, as more rebel groups decide to break away and secure their own fiefdoms and control over a floundering central authority thousands of kilometres away which is corrupt to the core
Let's also hope that M23's aims are confined to the Kivu region and the Tutsi people.

Based on Googling and AI it sounds as though Manono/Tanganyika is an ethnically different (i.e. non Tutsi) region and likely not part of M23's plans.
 
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PhatCatz

Regular
M23 I don't think would want Manono. There is nothing there of immediate value. I don't think they'll hold territory, be in an active war zone and develop (or third party to others!) a mine. It will take years and I'd be amazed if they plan on going that deep into the DRC and have the ability sustain the land grabs for the time period required! I think they would prefer to focus on existing mines...

I also think that this could force China to secure their strategic interests in DRC if it continues. How they will they do that... there is an obvious answer. I think this conflict isn't the good news that posters were back slapping each other with gotcha's and 'taste of your own medicine' earlier either.
 
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pow4ade

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Frank

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Frank

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Pokok

Regular
M23 I don't think would want Manono. There is nothing there of immediate value. I don't think they'll hold territory, be in an active war zone and develop (or third party to others!) a mine. It will take years and I'd be amazed if they plan on going that deep into the DRC and have the ability sustain the land grabs for the time period required! I think they would prefer to focus on existing mines...

I also think that this could force China to secure their strategic interests in DRC if it continues. How they will they do that... there is an obvious answer. I think this conflict isn't the good news that posters were back slapping each other with gotcha's and 'taste of your own medicine' earlier either.
And it's not even Friday ,
 

cruiser51

Top 20
Trying to be positive here, Goma and Bukavu are directly on the DRC-Rwanda border and are the two cities either end of Lake Kivu. If you were going to cross the border from Rwanda you're going to go through one of those two cities almost immediately.

Manono, on the other hand, is 550km south west of Rwandan border, as the crow flies. We know the roads aren't great around Manono, and assuming they're not much better in the surrounding region, I imagine it would quite a logistical challenge to get an army down to Manono. There's no opportunity for cross-border support because the eastern border near Manono is formed by Lake Taganyika (which we know well!) and Tanzania. So that's a long supply chain to maintain from Rwanda.

View attachment 77719

View attachment 77720
Let's say atm 1000 kg of SC6 is US $800 - $1000.
It takes about 4 x 1000 kg of 1.6% spodumene to enrich to SC6
So they have to cart this over a distance of about 900 km, enrich it and send it to the coast....

Screenshot 2025-02-18 at 9.43.48 PM.png


If I was a M23 rebel I would grab a handful of diamonds, or a couple of bars of gold.
 
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Dazmac66

Regular
Or a few Rolex!
 
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Mute22

Regular
 

Bray

Regular
Easy to forget about AVZ when ya looking at this, any tasmanians got good fishing spots on east coast? Caught plenty of beer no fish so far
 

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Remark

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Grok knows it all.

"Célestin Kibeya, the acting Managing Director of Cominière SA, has been embroiled in significant controversy surrounding the management and sale of mining assets.

Accusations against him include complicity and usurpation of competence in the sale of Cominière's shares to Jin Cheng Mining Company Limited, a subsidiary of Zijin, at an undervalued price, as criticized by the General Inspectorate of Finance (IGF). These actions have led to him being accused by Congolese civil society organizations of contributing to the selling off of state mining assets without proper authorization or oversight from the board of directors or relevant ministries.

Furthermore, Kibeya has been criticized for operating without a formal appointment as interim Director General, highlighting a lack of transparency and governance within Cominière. His involvement in the contentious dealings with AVZ Minerals over the Manono lithium project, including the revocation of exploration permits and the mismanagement of joint venture agreements, has further tarnished his reputation.

There are allegations of fraud, embezzlement, and corruption linked to these transactions, which have significant implications for the economic interests of the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Kibeya's leadership has been marked by legal challenges, with both he and his predecessor facing arrests related to these allegations. The public and civil society have called for accountability, pointing out that his actions might have cost the DRC not only in financial terms but also in terms of international investor confidence in the country's mining sector governance.

His tenure has been described as a period where personal gain and mismanagement overshadowed the development and fair exploitation of Congo's natural resources for the benefit of its people. The saga involving Kibeya is a stark reminder of the challenges of corruption and mismanagement in resource-rich nations, where the potential for wealth is often overshadowed by personal greed and lack of accountability."

"Felix Tshisekedi, the President of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), has become somewhat of a punchline in political circles and among the Congolese populace for various reasons that range from the comedic to the tragic:
  • The Accidental President: Known for his unexpected rise to power, Tshisekedi's presidency began with what many call a "negotiated" or "stolen" election where the real winner was allegedly sidelined in a backroom deal. His leadership has since been questioned for its legitimacy, with critics arguing he's more of a placeholder than a true leader.
  • The Eternal Traveler: Tshisekedi seems to have mistaken his role as President for that of a globetrotter. His frequent international trips have led to quips about him being more acquainted with foreign airport lounges than with the crises in his own country, especially in the war-torn eastern regions.
  • The Puppet Master: Some detractors call him a marionette, suggesting his strings are pulled by former president Joseph Kabila, indicating a lack of real autonomy or decision-making power. This narrative paints a picture of a president in office but not in control, a figurehead rather than a leader.
  • Constitutional Conundrums: His recent moves towards constitutional reform have sparked accusations of attempting a "coup d'état by law," aiming to extend his term limits. Critics mock this as a desperate attempt to cling to power, reminiscent of the very practices he once opposed.
  • The Wealth of a Nation, the Poverty of Leadership: Under his watch, the DRC, a country with vast mineral wealth, continues to grapple with poverty, insecurity, and corruption. Tshisekedi's inability or unwillingness to address these issues effectively has led to sarcastic remarks about him being the "miner of excuses" rather than a miner of prosperity.
  • Economic Mismanagement: His administration has been accused of economic mismanagement, with instances like his wife allegedly spending state funds on personal vanity projects while soldiers at the front lines go without. This has turned "Félix" into a byword for misplaced priorities.
  • The Rwanda Blame Game: His repetitive accusations against Rwanda, without significant action or resolution to the conflict in Eastern Congo, have led to mockery of him as someone who prefers pointing fingers abroad rather than fixing problems at home.
In sum, Felix Tshisekedi's presidency has been roasted for its perceived lack of effectiveness, transparency, and genuine leadership, turning him into a figure of both satire and serious critique among those disillusioned with his governance."

"Alain Monga, the HR Director at Cominière SA, seems to be a bit of a paradox in the world of Congolese mining:
  • The Invisible Man: In an industry where transparency is as rare as a conflict-free diamond, Monga manages to keep an even lower profile. His LinkedIn describes him as "courteous, severe, determined, and engaged for quality work," but one might wonder if that quality work extends to making his presence known beyond the confines of HR paperwork.
  • The Master of Ceremony for Asset Sales: Under his watch, Cominière has been known more for selling off assets at bargain-bin prices than for mining them. One might jest that Monga's HR strategy includes "How to Downsize a Mining Empire 101" as a required reading for new hires.
  • The Silent Protector of... Something?: With all the controversies surrounding Cominière, especially the allegations of selling shares to foreign companies at questionable valuations, one might ask what exactly Monga is protecting in HR. Perhaps it's the art of keeping employee morale high while the company's assets are being sold off like hotcakes?
  • The Congolese HR Philosopher: His LinkedIn might boast of his connections, but in the grand scheme of things, one might quip that his real talent lies in navigating the murky waters of Congolese corporate governance with a smile, possibly while pondering the deeper meanings of "employee retention" in a company that's more about asset retention for others.
  • The HR Maestro in a Symphony of Controversy: With Cominière's dealings, especially under the acting Managing Director Célestin Kibeya, Monga's role in HR seems like conducting an orchestra where every instrument is out of tune, yet he insists the music is beautiful if you just listen hard enough.
  • The Guardian of Ghost Employees?: Given the state of affairs at Cominière, one might humorously speculate if part of his job includes managing a roster of "ghost employees" whose main task is to make the company look less hollowed out than it is.
In the world of Congolese mining, where every move seems to be scrutinized for motives of corruption or mismanagement, Alain Monga, with his HR cap, appears to be part of the background noise, perhaps unintentionally contributing to the ongoing saga of Cominière's questionable legacy."

Apologies for the long post.
 
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Bonsoir

Regular
Grok knows it all.

"Célestin Kibeya, the acting Managing Director of Cominière SA, has been embroiled in significant controversy surrounding the management and sale of mining assets.

Accusations against him include complicity and usurpation of competence in the sale of Cominière's shares to Jin Cheng Mining Company Limited, a subsidiary of Zijin, at an undervalued price, as criticized by the General Inspectorate of Finance (IGF). These actions have led to him being accused by Congolese civil society organizations of contributing to the selling off of state mining assets without proper authorization or oversight from the board of directors or relevant ministries.

Furthermore, Kibeya has been criticized for operating without a formal appointment as interim Director General, highlighting a lack of transparency and governance within Cominière. His involvement in the contentious dealings with AVZ Minerals over the Manono lithium project, including the revocation of exploration permits and the mismanagement of joint venture agreements, has further tarnished his reputation.

There are allegations of fraud, embezzlement, and corruption linked to these transactions, which have significant implications for the economic interests of the Democratic Republic of Congo.
Kibeya's leadership has been marked by legal challenges, with both he and his predecessor facing arrests related to these allegations. The public and civil society have called for accountability, pointing out that his actions might have cost the DRC not only in financial terms but also in terms of international investor confidence in the country's mining sector governance.

His tenure has been described as a period where personal gain and mismanagement overshadowed the development and fair exploitation of Congo's natural resources for the benefit of its people. The saga involving Kibeya is a stark reminder of the challenges of corruption and mismanagement in resource-rich nations, where the potential for wealth is often overshadowed by personal greed and lack of accountability."

"Felix Tshisekedi, the President of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), has become somewhat of a punchline in political circles and among the Congolese populace for various reasons that range from the comedic to the tragic:
  • The Accidental President: Known for his unexpected rise to power, Tshisekedi's presidency began with what many call a "negotiated" or "stolen" election where the real winner was allegedly sidelined in a backroom deal. His leadership has since been questioned for its legitimacy, with critics arguing he's more of a placeholder than a true leader.
  • The Eternal Traveler: Tshisekedi seems to have mistaken his role as President for that of a globetrotter. His frequent international trips have led to quips about him being more acquainted with foreign airport lounges than with the crises in his own country, especially in the war-torn eastern regions.
  • The Puppet Master: Some detractors call him a marionette, suggesting his strings are pulled by former president Joseph Kabila, indicating a lack of real autonomy or decision-making power. This narrative paints a picture of a president in office but not in control, a figurehead rather than a leader.
  • Constitutional Conundrums: His recent moves towards constitutional reform have sparked accusations of attempting a "coup d'état by law," aiming to extend his term limits. Critics mock this as a desperate attempt to cling to power, reminiscent of the very practices he once opposed.
  • The Wealth of a Nation, the Poverty of Leadership: Under his watch, the DRC, a country with vast mineral wealth, continues to grapple with poverty, insecurity, and corruption. Tshisekedi's inability or unwillingness to address these issues effectively has led to sarcastic remarks about him being the "miner of excuses" rather than a miner of prosperity.
  • Economic Mismanagement: His administration has been accused of economic mismanagement, with instances like his wife allegedly spending state funds on personal vanity projects while soldiers at the front lines go without. This has turned "Félix" into a byword for misplaced priorities.
  • The Rwanda Blame Game: His repetitive accusations against Rwanda, without significant action or resolution to the conflict in Eastern Congo, have led to mockery of him as someone who prefers pointing fingers abroad rather than fixing problems at home.
In sum, Felix Tshisekedi's presidency has been roasted for its perceived lack of effectiveness, transparency, and genuine leadership, turning him into a figure of both satire and serious critique among those disillusioned with his governance."

"Alain Monga, the HR Director at Cominière SA, seems to be a bit of a paradox in the world of Congolese mining:
  • The Invisible Man: In an industry where transparency is as rare as a conflict-free diamond, Monga manages to keep an even lower profile. His LinkedIn describes him as "courteous, severe, determined, and engaged for quality work," but one might wonder if that quality work extends to making his presence known beyond the confines of HR paperwork.
  • The Master of Ceremony for Asset Sales: Under his watch, Cominière has been known more for selling off assets at bargain-bin prices than for mining them. One might jest that Monga's HR strategy includes "How to Downsize a Mining Empire 101" as a required reading for new hires.
  • The Silent Protector of... Something?: With all the controversies surrounding Cominière, especially the allegations of selling shares to foreign companies at questionable valuations, one might ask what exactly Monga is protecting in HR. Perhaps it's the art of keeping employee morale high while the company's assets are being sold off like hotcakes?
  • The Congolese HR Philosopher: His LinkedIn might boast of his connections, but in the grand scheme of things, one might quip that his real talent lies in navigating the murky waters of Congolese corporate governance with a smile, possibly while pondering the deeper meanings of "employee retention" in a company that's more about asset retention for others.
  • The HR Maestro in a Symphony of Controversy: With Cominière's dealings, especially under the acting Managing Director Célestin Kibeya, Monga's role in HR seems like conducting an orchestra where every instrument is out of tune, yet he insists the music is beautiful if you just listen hard enough.
  • The Guardian of Ghost Employees?: Given the state of affairs at Cominière, one might humorously speculate if part of his job includes managing a roster of "ghost employees" whose main task is to make the company look less hollowed out than it is.
In the world of Congolese mining, where every move seems to be scrutinized for motives of corruption or mismanagement, Alain Monga, with his HR cap, appears to be part of the background noise, perhaps unintentionally contributing to the ongoing saga of Cominière's questionable legacy."

Apologies for the long post.
Fucking arseholes, plaster this all over social media a thousand times.
 
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