DRC MINING LEGISLATION

21/12/2022
@Carlos Danger Posted


CAMI already gave approval in the favourable opinion process for the entire PE13359 and Mupande signed off on it. Perhaps there is some power for the Minister of Mines to compel CAMI to act at that stage.

As the announcement says 'The DRC Mining Code requires the Cadastre Minier (CAMI), operating under the supervision of the Minister of Mines, to calculate the surface rights fee and officially award the Mining Licence following the receipt of payment.'

That's backed up by the NGO's and local journalists. The only reason I can see for the delay is the 'dispute' about the northern area. Mupande didn't use any authority to split the tenement. He tricked AVZ into accepting it. The suspension is all because management were dumb enough to believe him.
 
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19/12/2022


DR Congo: Subcontracting, the billion-foreign pool that enriches foreigners and a small elite at the expense of the Congolese?​

December 19, 2022
Kiki Kienge

By Kiki Kienge
The Congolese law provides in its article 6 promulgated on February 8, 2017, the subcontracting activity is reserved only for companies of Congolese law and/or capital promoted by the Congolese to have their head office in the DRC, under the supervision of the subcontracting regulatory authority.

Subcontracting is the act of using a third legal or natural person, performing a task on your behalf. The client is appointed Client and the subcontractor.

"The task that the Client gives to the subcontractor may be an ancillary or related activity that contributes to the realization of the Principal Activity of the Client or part of the Principal Activity of the Client. There are three types of subcontracting: capacity, specialty and market. ”

This law requires that any subcontracting whose market cost is greater than or equal to CDF 100,000,000,000, or whose remuneration does not exceed 40% of the total market value; be the subject of either a call for tenders.

According to Master Dignité Bwiza, a Congolese lawyer specializing in environmental business law, the law aims to;
  • Reduce the shortfall recorded by the Congolese public treasury (including taxes, fees and contributions that are not paid in DR Congo by foreign capital/law firms or expatriates; but are repatriated to their respective countries; which could have been paid in DR Congo if subcontracting companies were of Congolese rights/capital).
  • Promoting and promoting employment for Congolese: in the face of foreign expertise that is increasingly relocating to DR Congo.
  • Protect the Congolese workforce working in subcontracting companies.
  • Promote the emergence of Congolese expertise at the provincial and national level;
  • Promote and promote the emergence of a Congolese middle class
According to the law, if the contracting authority finds that there is no Congolese rights/capital subcontractor, the contracting authority must inform the local authority of the absence of a Congolese subcontractor and prove the said absence.

"In some cases, the project manager may use a subcontractor of foreign law and capital, or a subcontractor under Congolese law based in a Province other than the one in which the subcontracting activities are carried out. However, it is important to note that this is only applicable for activities whose subcontracting does not exceed six months! If the subcontracting activity exceeds six months, the contracting authority has the obligation to create a company under Congolese law that can provide the service. ”

Subcontracting, as many Congolese do not know, generates billions of US dollars each year, perhaps similar to the mining sector itself, especially in Greater Katanga where there are many mines managed by foreign multinationals.

The mining sector with nearly 25% of gross domestic product (GDP), is the first concerned with this subcontracting law, since a ministerial decree of April 2013 that required mining companies to use only Congolese law and capital subcontracting companies. In reality, its judgments and laws have never been applied, the subcontracting market remains in the hands of foreigners, who often repatriate profits to their country. Even job creation remains at low levels faced with the size of the subcontracting market in DR Congo.

The sectors that concern the subcontracting law range from the supply of materials and products for mining activities, transport, provision of personnel, securing facilities, mineral analysis, logistics and others.

Subcontracting can be classified into two categories, the first mainly held by companies under Congolese law, but with mainly foreign capital where subsidiaries of multinationals have large financial resources and expertise. Leading are Chinese companies, but especially European, American, Australian, Lebanese, South African, Tanzanian, Zimbabwean or Indian. Congolese companies are almost non-existent in this category, with a few exceptions mineral analysis and environmental monitoring laboratories, such as the case of MCK or the Katang businessman, Éric Monga.

What's wrong?

We will see it with a Congolese who has been working in the field for years.

The second requires less capital, there are several Congolese companies, which often focus on the provision of staff, the maintenance of facilities, the maintenance of equipment or guarding.

Some foreign capital subcontracting companies operating in Lualaba:

"Lualaba prospers (Chinese), Best service (Chinese), Luka (Chinese), Dunia (Chinese), Collingo (Chinese) who often work with TFM. In Kamoa there is Katanga Contracting Services (KCS), Teich Man, a subcontractor of South Africans. Majengo a Chinese subcontracting..." Filston W

What would be the difficulties that Congolese face in subcontracting.

According to Master Guy Mukonki, who has been working for years in the subcontracting sector in Lualaba with the company MMK and now in Haut-Katanga, the difficulties are more financial and expertise;

  • "Many Congolese companies do not often respect contracts, which gives foreign multinationals the legitimacy to avoid Congolese in subcontracting. Unfortunately, the subcontracting law has only analyzed the two hypotheses; the existence or absence of subcontractors, but less the lack of compliance with contracts that must be managed legally, which is more complicated. First, for some time now, contract givers, i.e. the services of multinationals supposed to be recruited through tenders and approved, have themselves created companies. They allocate the markets to each other, giving commissions and favors to a certain elite.
  • Second, there is the lack of support for financial institutions or the conditions for granting financing (mortgages, interest rates, repayment deadlines). Third, there is competition from foreign companies generally the subsidiaries of the same multinationals, contractors. In many companies, for example in Lualaba, the exclusivity of subcontracts is practically reserved for Chinese companies.
  • There are two or three parameters to explain this; On the one hand, we have Congolese who are at the bottom of the scale, in terms of financing and works, to whom we are awarded a contract, for example US$2 million. With a profit of 30% in the contract, having no insurance fund. The instinct to appear often takes over; They prefer to take credits with their contracts to buy a beautiful house and beautiful vehicles, things that have nothing to do with their work. In the end, they are unable to respect their contract and multinationals rely on this to defend their choices over foreign companies than Congolese. On the training of Congolese, our technical schools such as Mutoshi, Salama and others speaking of Greater Katanga have already lost much of their notoriety. For example, foreign companies bring back so-called welding experts to have the largest contracts in the field. What is DR Congo doing for the training of our fellow citizens? Imagine that subcontracting produced US$1 billion annually and that only 75% of this amount remains in the DRC, this would have a very large impact on the purchasing power of the Congolese. An advantage for the Congolese state coffers and the social of the population. This money could be invested in other sectors such as livestock farming, agriculture for example. In reality, the subcontracting law is not as bad, but it is not accompanied as it should be. There are no commercial banks with Congolese capital that support financing the Congolese projects, the majority its Kenyan, Nigerian, Lebanese. Unfortunately, they do not marry the vision of Congolese entrepreneurs. In particular, Congolese must learn the culture of the sacrifice of entrepreneurship before enjoying the benefits of their work. We have institutions like the FEC, with valiant Congolese people like Eddy Monga or John Kanyoni, who through conferences and conferences are able to help Congolese entrepreneurs in a good vision of entrepreneurship. We must fight this culture of the ease we have, we need sacrifices to achieve a result. We can criticize foreigners, but they only take advantage of our weaknesses, the most important thing is the awareness of the Congolese. Let's admit that we make a law that requires that every foreign entrepreneur must have a partnership of 50% of the Congolese, it would be a plus for the Congolese, but we also need an investment in the training of executives and workers and financial support. ”
Another problem encountered in the application of the subcontracting law, the uncertainty about the existence of the updated directory of all natural and legal persons under Congolese law and capital working in each sector. But the directory is not available, even the list of companies authorized to subcontract (REA) and the company rating list, which should serve as a reference for project owners, remains almost empty so far.

In reality, this void of the directory that we recall goes against the law, only encourages project owners to circumvent the subcontracting law. Because in the absence of a Congolese subcontractor, the contracting authority may use a subcontractor of law and foreign capital, or a subcontractor of Congolese law based in a province in addition to that of subcontracting activities.

Many project owners rely on the lack of technical expertise or experience, often the lack of professional insurance that would cover the damage in the event of a problem in the subcontractor's service, skills and qualifications, to avoid Congolese law companies or capital.

The solution in this case would be that the law requires co-contracting (co-contracting is the fact that a contracting authority takes two subcontractors to perform the same subcontracting task together) between a subcontractor of law or foreign capital and a subcontractor of Congolese law or capital. Co-contracting would be a solution for Congolese companies, because it would allow Congolese to be trained and Congolese companies to form a financial basis for future calls for tenders.

Otherwise, the prime contractor must create a society under Congolese law, which is financially more expensive and would take too long.

In particular, it would be necessary to have a patriotic awareness, for all Congolese subcontractors and citizens to denounce or request the cancellation of subcontracting contracts signed in violation of the subcontracting law. Limit the repatriation of assets abroad in cases of co-contracting.

For this we would need courage and patriotism on our part.




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23/12/2022

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25/12/2022
@Carlos Danger Posted

Would a hostile takeover from these clowns get through FIRB?

Considering this forum ripped them apart in a day or two it wouldn't seem likely that any potential hostile takeover would be approved by the Australian government
So here's where it could get interesting. The process for FIRB is:

If the potential acquirer is a foreign person, or is controlled (20%+) by a foreign person (including a foreign government), it may need to obtain prior clearance from the Federal Treasurer, through the Foreign Investment Review Board (FIRB). The Treasurer has power to block acquisitions that are contrary to Australia’s national interest, and make disposal orders if the acquisition has happened (see under 3. "Foreign investment regulation" below). In making his decision the Treasurer and FIRB will consult with a range of other government agencies (including competition, taxation, defence and security agencies).

Nigel said at the AGM that the seat on the board was the crucial part of the Yibin Tianyi deal in 2020 that FIRB were against. If Deeland somehow gets over 50% of AVZ shareholders to support them they could spill the board. But the important question is would a new board be approved by FIRB when Deeland are obviously linked to a Chinese company like Zijin?

Especially seeing as giving a Chinese company a seat on the AVZ board was not allowed previously. This could be the reason Zijin are using Deeland which is headquartered in the UK as a surrogate but FIRB would see right through that imo

Deeland are claiming they want to take AVZ off the ASX so FIRB might not even care. The key thing is the deposit isn't in Australia. What FIRB were upset about with Yibin Tianyi was a Chinese government backed entity having a vote on the board of an ASX listed company. If that company isn't listed anymore because it has been bought out then there is no longer a direct concern about 'Australia’s national interest' for FIRB to consider imo

Here's my post on September 8th:

https://thestockexchange.com.au/attachments/20221224_182922-jpg.25284/
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https://thestockexchange.com.au/attachments/20221224_182937-jpg.25285/
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Zijin weren't crashing AVZ's share price to try and devalue AVZ's offer to Cominiere. They were deliberately crashing (through disinformation and imo share sales) the AVZ share price while using Mupande to delay the licence to make a hostile takeover cheaper. The ASX are aware of this and that is why they are happy to let AVZ drift on endlessly in suspension imo

From the AGM:

We knew Chinese would have a crack, but we did not expect parts of DRC government to be in on it?

A: Nor did we - “we thought it was gambit by Chinese groups to get project cheapest way. We weren’t aware it was also elements of the government complicit. We can’t go into it, but rest assured those people are being turned over within meetings with real information is being shared, and people put on the spot.

Collusion between all those 3 – namely Zijin, Jin Cheng, CAMI?

A: That would be astute thought

Interview NF mentioned once mentioned once decree issued 10 day period before Court could issue the licence. What happened?

A: This was a misunderstanding. As soon as your documentation was in order and issued, this talk of periods was regarding the ministerial decree. Other steps in way of ML – CAMI have held up the invoicing, illegally in our view.


Key words 'gambit by Chinese groups to get project cheapest way' imo

I remember someone from the German roadshows in April saying that Nigel told them a takeover offer had been made in the past few months but that the board didn't consider it serious. That offer was definitely from Zijin imo. When they got told no by AVZ they proceeded with their backup plan.

Think about the timing of when Zijin began spruiking that they 'bought' the 15% of Dathcom from Cominiere. That alleged event occurred in September 2021 but they didn't start making noise about it until around the time that AVZ got the ministerial decree in May 2022.

If they had moved earlier it may have put the granting of the licence to Dathcom at risk. Now Dathcom legally have the PE all Zijin would need to do if they buy out AVZ is get Mupande to finally calculate the surface rights and register the licence. A process which is meant to have a max of 5 days to happen in the DRC mining code but we have been waiting almost 8 months so far to be completed.

If Zijin are successful in launching a hostile takeover of AVZ they could also drop AVZ's defence against them at the ICC and pay off Cong to legally own 90% of Dathcom. They have no chance of winning at the ICC so I can't see any other reason they haven't officially dropped out yet.

Zijin have made no secret about their plans of moving into the battery value chain. They have the experience in mining and the money to build battery plants but like everyone else they don't have a secure supply of lithium. What better way of securing their goal of whole of supply chain control in renewables than by taking the best resource on earth from under the current market leader CATL's nose. Zijin are determined to get control of Manono whatever the cost.

At the alleged offer price of $1.53 AVZ would be valued at around $5.3b AUD. Add in another $200m for Cominiere, Dathomir and snacks for some DRC officials and Zijin would have it all. Zijin buying 90% of Dathcom for around $5.5b AUD before the mine is even touched would be the acquisition of the century imo

Maybe I've had too many pineapple infused eggnogs for Christmas and am just talking nonsense. Perhaps I would be thinking differently if I was drinking champagne.
 

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28/12/2022


Tanganyika: awareness campaign and the development of anti-corruption plan

Kinshasa, December 28, 2022 (ACP).-A campaign to raise awareness and develop an anti-corruption plan is organized from December 26 to 30 by the Anti-Corruption Prevention Agency in the Province of Tanganyika, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), in order to eradicate these evils that weigh down national development, the ACP learned on Wednesday from Benie-Laure Kamwiziku

"Corruption is a cancer that plagues the world and leads to deep inequalities between citizens. It undermines the social fabric and causes disparities that weaken democracy with each passing day, "said Ms. Benie-Laure Kamwiziku, who is responsible for detection, prevention and administration.

She indicated that the Anti-Corruption Prevention and Control Agency has, in addition to the policies and studies it conducts, the national anti-corruption strategy, the subsequent priority action plan, before considering the axis of repression by conducting the necessary investigations, and prosecutions to sanction any person, group of persons, organization, organizations or other services involved in acts of corruption, money laundering and similar facts under

As such, the APLC has guaranteed the proper execution of the work and reflection in various areas concerning, among other things, the development of a mapping of risks related to corruption, the integration of a code of conduct and the implementation of the provincial alert system.

To this end, it invited participants to immerse themselves, to be inspired by the national anti-corruption strategy through an inclusive and sectoral approach that its structure defined as a coordinated national war plan.

The head of the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) office, Dr. Ephraim Abwe Diabe, said that the International Community commemorates every December, the "Day to Combat Corruption", an opportunity that mainly aims to raise awareness of corruption, and what both can do to fight it, even better, to prevent it.

For him, UNDP is concerned with the prevention of corruption and other anti-values in view of its negative effects on economic development or direct investment.

"We count on the active involvement of everyone, from the Provincial Assembly to the provincial government, from local authorities to civil society, and we must behave, whether in public or in the privacy of our private life, so as to convey a single message: "corruption will never pass through me," he said.

ACP/KHM/CDN
 
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30/12/2022

This corruption website might be a good addition to this thread…. This particular page on 29/12/2022 mentioned how Tshimanga recently got acquitted



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31/12/2022


DRC: Lutundula, Nzangi and Mutinga remain in government and officially turn their backs on Katumbi


According to a dispatch from the communication cell of the Presidency of the Republic reached this Wednesday, December 28, 2022 at 7SUR7. CD, 3 of the 6 members of Camp Katumbi in the government decided to reiterate their loyalty to President Tshisekedi.

These are Deputy Prime Minister of Foreign Affairs Christophe Lutundula and Ministers Muhindo Nzangi of Higher and University Education as well as Modeste Mutinga, Minister of Social Affairs, Humanitarian Actions and National Solidarity.

DRC: It was Félix Tshisekedi who announced to the members of the Government the departure of 3 pro-Katumbi ministers

Third-party rights

Head of State Félix Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo, chaired this Wednesday, December 28, 2022, the last meeting of the Council of Ministers this year.​

Prime Minister Sama Lukonde and his entire government therefore participated in this Council of Ministers, which was held in person at the Cité de l'Union Africaine.

Long before the start of the Council of Ministers, the Head of State received 5 members of the government from the Ensemble for the Republic of Moses Katumbi in the presence of the Prime Minister.

Sacred Joint-Union Break: The Minister of Plan and Budget of Haut-Katanga also resigned

Third-party rights

Christian Momat Kabulo, Provincial Minister of Plan, Budget, Coordination of Public-private Partnerships and Relations with the Upper Katanga Provincial Assembly, resigned from office on Wednesday, December 28, 2022.
 
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31/12/2022

Haut-Katanga: three finance edicts adopted during the ordinary session of September 2022

Lubumbashi, Dec. 31, 2022 (ACP). -Three financial edicts including the accountability for the amending budget of the province for the financial year 2021, the amending budget for the financial year 2022 and the budget for the year 2023, were adopted during the ordinary session of September 2022.

"Thanks to the active assistance of deputies supported by the political, auxiliary and administrative staff of our province, we have kept the promise entrusted to us, that of giving the province a sincere, balanced and realistic budget within the regulatory deadline," noted on Friday, the President of the Upper Kataanga Provincial Assembly, Michel Katebe Ngoy, at the end of this ordinary session.

He thanked the provincial elected officials for the seriousness they showed when reviewing various texts in committee, in parliamentary groups as well as in plenary session and gave a special mention to the members of the Economic and Financial Committee "they were often highly solicited beyond their capacity", and worked beyond the usual hours.

Five proposals for edicts are included in the ordinary legislative procedure

The President of the Provincial Assembly, Michel Katebe, also specified that in the legislative component, 5 proposals for edicts are in the ordinary legislative procedure as provided for in the provisions of Title 3 of the Rules of Procedure.

"These legislative initiatives will be examined at the ordinary session of March 2023," he noted.

During this ordinary September session, two oral questions with debate were addressed to members of the government and several committees were initiated, it is reported.
 
02/01/2022
Mr Inappropriate Posted


section 67.e. - to my reading the requirement is to hold 51% of the entity that holds the PE (so Dathcom).

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We can’t lose control because the mining code says we can’t. If and when we get the ML we will have at least that 51% in our pocket.

You’ll recall also that CATL waived the ML as the precondition for the sale of 24%, so why has that sale not concluded (he asked rhetorically)? It’s because the rest of the shitfuckery threatened our percentage, and to cede 24% to CATL could have taken us below 51% (if other matters went against us).

Others here have suggested a smaller percentage to CATL initially, and until such time as other matters (cough, Zinjin) are resolved. That suggestion makes sense to me as a means of managing the ownership risk.
 
06/01/2023

Kinshasa, Jan. 05, 2023 (ACP).- The civil magistrates of the Public Prosecutor's Office of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) were invited on Thursday, by the Attorney General at the Court of Cassation, Firmin Mvonde Mambu, to be enlisted to fulfill their civic duty, the ACP learned the same day.

"We are citizens, and therefore obliged to fulfill our civic duty. We ask all magistrates of the civil prosecutor's office to do as we do: take your registration, your enlistment so that, when the time comes, you can fulfill your civic duty, "said the Attorney General, at the end of his enlistment at the CENI center installed at the Institut de la Gombe in Kinshasa.

The High Magistrate completed all the usual formalities, including registration, fingerprinting and iris capture, before obtaining his new voter card.

On this occasion, he expressed his satisfaction with the enthusiasm of the many Congolese who came to be enlisted like him, before inviting his subordinates to follow suit.

Congolese magistrates are public officials, paid by the State, but they have a status distinct from that of other officials that allows the protection of the specific missions entrusted to them.

They also have the right to vote, it is said
 

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06/01/2023

Public service: the secretaries general excluded demand justice​

In a memorandum addressed to the President of the Democratic Republic of Congo, the secretaries general dismissed during the recent establishment by the Deputy Prime Minister, Minister of the Public Service, denounce several irregularities that have marred this procedure.

This is, among other things, the selective nature of these implementations, considered as general by its initiator the VPM Jean-Pierre Lihau.

In this memo, the secretaries general indicate that some of their interim colleagues remained on duty while they are not included in the ordinances they describe as controversial of November 18, 2022. And it is in particular at the Ministry of Planning, Scientific Research and Spatial Planning.

Referring to geopolitics, this document indicates that some territories have obtained more than five secretaries-general (Cfr. Pangi in the Maniema) and others none.

Worse still, the secretaries general put aside after rendering loyal services to the Congolese state for more than 5 years, have not been notified and do not know their fate to date.

They are wondering what foundation the VPM of the public service relied on to sign the implementation of November 18, 2022, when there were 20218 orders filled with irregularities that were recalled to the presidency to be reported.

this memorandum informs that these are Orders No. 18/143,18/143 B and 18/143 C signed on the eve of the peaceful alternation in power, not only on the same day, but some nominees were both secretaries general and directors and without being discussed beforehand in the Council of Ministers in accordance with Article 81 of paragraph 41 of the Constitution and Article 74

Ignoring these irregularities found in these ordinances and even criticized by certain civil society organizations, including the ACHA, the Presidency of the Republic had repeatedly suspended the promotion and appointment of career officers in public services to the rank and function of respectively as Secretary General and to the direction of the administration.

The recent case dates from the letter from the Chief of Staff of the President of the Republic Dr. Désiré Casmir Kolongele in 2020.

Continuing its package, when some agents were retired, the VPM of the public service proposed several names of those who have never served as secretary general at the emerita.

Faced with the above, these secretaries general request the personal involvement of the President of the Republic, guarantor of the proper functioning of the institutions and head of state, initiator of the state of rights, to restore order in the public administration, a guarantee of the development of a country.
 
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Xerof

Biding my Time 1971
Ffs
 
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I wouldn’t worry too much, just the usual bullshit…. I only put it here because it’s political and involves legal matters
 
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From 19/12/3022

DR Congo: Subcontracting, the billion-foreign pool that enriches foreigners and a small elite at the expense of the Congolese?​

By Kiki Kienge

The Congolese law provides in its article 6 promulgated on February 8, 2017, the subcontracting activity is reserved only for companies of Congolese law and/or capital promoted by the Congolese to have their head office in the DRC, under the supervision of the subcontracting regulatory authority.

Subcontracting is the act of using a third legal or natural person, performing a task on your behalf. The client is appointed Client and the subcontractor.

"The task that the Client gives to the subcontractor may be an ancillary or related activity that contributes to the realization of the Principal Activity of the Client or part of the Principal Activity of the Client. There are three types of subcontracting: capacity, specialty and market. ”

This law requires that any subcontracting whose market cost is greater than or equal to CDF 100,000,000,000, or whose remuneration does not exceed 40% of the total market value; be the subject of either a call for tenders.

According to Master Dignité Bwiza, a Congolese lawyer specializing in environmental business law, the law aims to;
  • Reduce the shortfall recorded by the Congolese public treasury (including taxes, fees and contributions that are not paid in DR Congo by foreign capital/law firms or expatriates; but are repatriated to their respective countries; which could have been paid in DR Congo if subcontracting companies were of Congolese rights/capital).
  • Promoting and promoting employment for Congolese: in the face of foreign expertise that is increasingly relocating to DR Congo.
  • Protect the Congolese workforce working in subcontracting companies.
  • Promote the emergence of Congolese expertise at the provincial and national level;
  • Promote and promote the emergence of a Congolese middle class
According to the law, if the contracting authority finds that there is no Congolese rights/capital subcontractor, the contracting authority must inform the local authority of the absence of a Congolese subcontractor and prove the said absence.

"In some cases, the project manager may use a subcontractor of foreign law and capital, or a subcontractor under Congolese law based in a Province other than the one in which the subcontracting activities are carried out. However, it is important to note that this is only applicable for activities whose subcontracting does not exceed six months! If the subcontracting activity exceeds six months, the contracting authority has the obligation to create a company under Congolese law that can provide the service. ”

Subcontracting, as many Congolese do not know, generates billions of US dollars each year, perhaps similar to the mining sector itself, especially in Greater Katanga where there are many mines managed by foreign multinationals.

The mining sector with nearly 25% of gross domestic product (GDP), is the first concerned with this subcontracting law, since a ministerial decree of April 2013 that required mining companies to use only Congolese law and capital subcontracting companies. In reality, its judgments and laws have never been applied, the subcontracting market remains in the hands of foreigners, who often repatriate profits to their country. Even job creation remains at low levels faced with the size of the subcontracting market in DR Congo.

The sectors that concern the subcontracting law range from the supply of materials and products for mining activities, transport, provision of personnel, securing facilities, mineral analysis, logistics and others.

Subcontracting can be classified into two categories, the first mainly held by companies under Congolese law, but with mainly foreign capital where subsidiaries of multinationals have large financial resources and expertise. Leading are Chinese companies, but especially European, American, Australian, Lebanese, South African, Tanzanian, Zimbabwean or Indian. Congolese companies are almost non-existent in this category, with a few exceptions mineral analysis and environmental monitoring laboratories, such as the case of MCK or the Katang businessman, Éric Monga.
What's wrong?

We will see it with a Congolese who has been working in the field for years.
The second requires less capital, there are several Congolese companies, which often focus on the provision of staff, the maintenance of facilities, the maintenance of equipment or guarding.

Some foreign capital subcontracting companies operating in Lualaba:
"Lualaba prospers (Chinese), Best service (Chinese), Luka (Chinese), Dunia (Chinese), Collingo (Chinese) who often work with TFM. In Kamoa there is Katanga Contracting Services (KCS), Teich Man, a subcontractor of South Africans. Majengo a Chinese subcontracting..." Filston W
What would be the difficulties that Congolese face in subcontracting.
According to Master Guy Mukonki, who has been working for years in the subcontracting sector in Lualaba with the company MMK and now in Haut-Katanga, the difficulties are more financial and expertise;
  • "Many Congolese companies do not often respect contracts, which gives foreign multinationals the legitimacy to avoid Congolese in subcontracting. Unfortunately, the subcontracting law has only analyzed the two hypotheses; the existence or absence of subcontractors, but less the lack of compliance with contracts that must be managed legally, which is more complicated. First, for some time now, contract givers, i.e. the services of multinationals supposed to be recruited through tenders and approved, have themselves created companies. They allocate the markets to each other, giving commissions and favors to a certain elite.
  • Second, there is the lack of support for financial institutions or the conditions for granting financing (mortgages, interest rates, repayment deadlines). Third, there is competition from foreign companies generally the subsidiaries of the same multinationals, contractors. In many companies, for example in Lualaba, the exclusivity of subcontracts is practically reserved for Chinese companies.
  • There are two or three parameters to explain this; On the one hand, we have Congolese who are at the bottom of the scale, in terms of financing and works, to whom we are awarded a contract, for example US$2 million. With a profit of 30% in the contract, having no insurance fund. The instinct to appear often takes over; They prefer to take credits with their contracts to buy a beautiful house and beautiful vehicles, things that have nothing to do with their work. In the end, they are unable to respect their contract and multinationals rely on this to defend their choices over foreign companies than Congolese. On the training of Congolese, our technical schools such as Mutoshi, Salama and others speaking of Greater Katanga have already lost much of their notoriety. For example, foreign companies bring back so-called welding experts to have the largest contracts in the field. What is DR Congo doing for the training of our fellow citizens? Imagine that subcontracting produced US$1 billion annually and that only 75% of this amount remains in the DRC, this would have a very large impact on the purchasing power of the Congolese. An advantage for the Congolese state coffers and the social of the population. This money could be invested in other sectors such as livestock farming, agriculture for example. In reality, the subcontracting law is not as bad, but it is not accompanied as it should be. There are no commercial banks with Congolese capital that support financing the Congolese projects, the majority its Kenyan, Nigerian, Lebanese. Unfortunately, they do not marry the vision of Congolese entrepreneurs. In particular, Congolese must learn the culture of the sacrifice of entrepreneurship before enjoying the benefits of their work. We have institutions like the FEC, with valiant Congolese people like Eddy Monga or John Kanyoni, who through conferences and conferences are able to help Congolese entrepreneurs in a good vision of entrepreneurship. We must fight this culture of the ease we have, we need sacrifices to achieve a result. We can criticize foreigners, but they only take advantage of our weaknesses, the most important thing is the awareness of the Congolese. Let's admit that we make a law that requires that every foreign entrepreneur must have a partnership of 50% of the Congolese, it would be a plus for the Congolese, but we also need an investment in the training of executives and workers and financial support. ”
Another problem encountered in the application of the subcontracting law, the uncertainty about the existence of the updated directory of all natural and legal persons under Congolese law and capital working in each sector. But the directory is not available, even the list of companies authorized to subcontract (REA) and the company rating list, which should serve as a reference for project owners, remains almost empty so far.

In reality, this void of the directory that we recall goes against the law, only encourages project owners to circumvent the subcontracting law. Because in the absence of a Congolese subcontractor, the contracting authority may use a subcontractor of law and foreign capital, or a subcontractor of Congolese law based in a province in addition to that of subcontracting activities.

Many project owners rely on the lack of technical expertise or experience, often the lack of professional insurance that would cover the damage in the event of a problem in the subcontractor's service, skills and qualifications, to avoid Congolese law companies or capital.
The solution in this case would be that the law requires co-contracting (co-contracting is the fact that a contracting authority takes two subcontractors to perform the same subcontracting task together) between a subcontractor of law or foreign capital and a subcontractor of Congolese law or capital. Co-contracting would be a solution for Congolese companies, because it would allow Congolese to be trained and Congolese companies to form a financial basis for future calls for tenders.

Otherwise, the prime contractor must create a society under Congolese law, which is financially more expensive and would take too long.

In particular, it would be necessary to have a patriotic awareness, for all Congolese subcontractors and citizens to denounce or request the cancellation of subcontracting contracts signed in violation of the subcontracting law. Limit the repatriation of assets abroad in cases of co-contracting.

For this we would need courage and patriotism on our part.
 
08/01/2023
Shemozzle Posted


I don’t think that the minister of portfolio will get arrested or kicked out of the government, I think she will have a important role for Felix re-election. The DG of cami will not get kicked out too, there must be clear evidence and when no one tell his name nothing will happen. There is evidence against the MoP but Lukonde said she was not involved, he control the Minister of Justice, when no court go against her immunity first who else will go against her? Felix? He had all the time but nothing happened. I think it’s a illusion that she will go. Not in the election year. But I think some will be careful now not to attract even more attention. After all I don’t believe in Felix, he has been talking about improving the business climate for years, but his government is actively working against it. The main actors are not going to jail even after having evidence. Now they forbid the export of lithium but have no active mine yet. What do they expect? International Investors (except the Chinese) building half a dozen chemical plants and starting car factories? From one day to the other, after the first lithium Project ready to go waiting for it’s license for 20 months and counting because parts of the government sell it cheap to Chinese again. And no backing by other government people. I’m sure Bosch, Siemens, Audi, BMW or Volkswagen would love to work in such a climate :D DRC logo: spend your money in our country and get nothing! while stocks last!

I just hope cominiere don’t start another arbitration, the MoP stops to shoot against us, dathomir gives up and we find a solution with that MMCS shit too without arbitration against cominiere or the government when possible. And hopefully our management is clever enough to offer a good deal the DRC can’t reject that we finally get the ML. And maybe the pressure from the NGOs have a little help
 
09/01/2023


Institute for Security Studies (Tshwane/Pretoria)
ANALYSISBy Paul-Simon Handy and Félicité Djilo

Two years after winning the historic 2018 election, Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) President Félix Tshisekedi recently dismantled the governing alliance he'd sealed with former president Joseph Kabila. But who will benefit from the new political dispensation - the office of the president, or the rule of law in the DRC?

The latest developments in the country illustrate several trends in Congolese and African politics. They show how political actors invest more resources in the conquest of power than exercising it legitimately and effectively.

The new power arrangements are still taking shape, but the end of the coalition marks the failure of a turbulent experience of cohabitation between a presidency and a Parliament controlled by different parties.

Ideally, the Front commun pour le Congo-Cap pour le Changement (FCC-CACH) alliance could have resulted in a productive cooperation between Parliament and State House. This would have broken with the trend in most of the region's countries whereby one party controls all the layers of power.
 
11/01/2023

Didn’t know where to store this information but I really liked these two posts from Carlos and Obe

It's only a misunderstanding because Nigel was talking about the process before the ministerial decree. We can't have a court order to issue the licence anymore because we already legally have the licence that management agreed to.

All that's left to do now is pay the surface rights. But also according to Nigel 'PE13359 should be retained in its entirety – however the northern area may need to come under a separate exploration tenement, even though that’s not the established process'.

The ministerial decree is pretty fucking clear that the northern area is not included. It 'will be renewed under a five-year exploration licence to Dathcom, with discussions regarding the terms of the ongoing joint venture under discussion with the DRC Government' according to AVZ's official announcement.

Good post and pretty much the way I've heard it. The only WTF that pokes it's head out hard, is that apparently AJN also have an application lodged for the northern part; we all know that they (CAMI) as per mining code can't just dissect pieces of original whole tenements which was original awarded under an exploration licence.

The decree was awarded which only contained and provided exploitation rights to Roche Dure ; Carrier was to be renumbered and would become a new exploration tenement under it's own number ; but with newly created tenement numbers, these generally result in new applications...as far as I'm aware AJNs / congo resources application is lodged.

If AVZ was awarded South ( which they basically have ) then our name would be on the Cami website for the southern Zone ( which it is ) ; if AVZ we're being granted North as an exploration licence, then on the Cami website it should have a new number and state AVZ ( which it doesn't) ....

There's also rumour that AVZ agreed to the Southern grant and the Northern area to be numbered and issued as a 5 year exploration ; but in doing that there was some bending in it's meaning by DG Cami, in that new number, new application and it didn't mean that AVZ would just get it automatically I.e. It was basically revoked ; the AJN lodgement of their application would back that up.

AVZ called B/S on this move and the lawyers were in at it again. All AVZ are apparently waiting on is for DG to issue the ML, but still CAMi website shows Carrier as being blank and the AJN application is still lodged.

Surely if that was all sorted out, maybe we’d still be waiting on DG to issue the invoice, but as the area of land under the exploitation zone would be known that would be 5 seconds on a calculator ; but the Cami website should be showing Dathom 13359 adn Dathcom xyz ( north) , but it's still blank and as far as I know AJNs application is still in there ; also no explaination from anywhere on what's happened to TTXs tenement, TTX released anything on the Canadan or German exchanges either.......but all we hear is that we are just waiting on DG to sign an invoice....just feels like there's something a bit more to this
 
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DRC's Tshisekedi has secured his power base: now it's time to deliver​

Reuben Loffman, Queen Mary University of London​

Published: October 27, 2021 3.19pm SAST

Félix Tshisekedi of the Union for Democracy and Social Progress became the fifth president of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) in January 2019after one of the most anticipated elections in the country’s history.

Party loyalists celebrated. But many others – both in the DRC and abroad – lamented another stolen election. The Financial Times found incontrovertible proof that the election had been the subject of a fraud on an eye-watering scale. While Martin Fayulu should by rights be the sitting president of the DRC, Tshisekedi is occupying the presidential palace, or the “White House” as it is sometimes called.

It was an inauspicious start. The fragility of Tshisekedi’s position was compounded by the fact that he and the former head of state Joseph Kabila had formed an uneasy alliance. But they made unhappy bedfellows, which meant that a power struggle soon ensued in the very heart of Congolese politics.

Tshisekedi’s coalition, Heading for Change, was a minority – both in the Congolese National Assembly and in the Senate. The two branches of the Congolese parliament were dominated by the Common Front for Congo coalition that was controlled by Kabila.

With a lack of parliamentary support, Tshisekedi was admittedly in a weak position. He had to accept Kabila’s choice for prime minister, Sylvestre Ilunga, in May 2019. It took him until this year to finally be able to oust Ilunga, a former economics professor.

In April Tshisekedi also succeeded in removing many members of the Common Front for Congo coalition from power. He firmly established his grasp on political power in Kinshasa.

In short, his government no longer has the excuse that it is being hampered by the dead hand of the old Kabila cabal. Having reinforced his grip on the presidency, Tshisekedi needs to set about enacting a programme of change that delivers for the Congolese people.

What’s been done​

In March 2019, Tshisekedi started a 100 day emergency programme to kickstart his presidency. The programme was launched by the publication of a 78 page document that covered some of the most important priorities of the present government at the time. While many issues were covered, such as industry promotion and energy, much of the money was reserved for infrastructure: $183.2 million. Yet, many of these projects are incomplete.

Despite the need for more action with regard to the road-building projects, the president could take some – albeit very limited – credit for the ending of the 2018-2020 Ebola outbreak in eastern Congo. While local communities and NGOs were at the heart of this relief effort, it happened under Tshisekedi’s watch and he will doubtless point to it as an achievement. At the same time, some political prisoners have been freed in a move that distinguishes this presidency from that of Joseph Kabila.

While some change has been forthcoming, few Congolese have seen major improvements. There is still much more to be done to make life in the DRC better for its citizens, and this is particularly true outside the capital.

What’s still to be done​

First, serious violence continues in the Ituri province in the north-east. After a decade of relative peace from 2007 to 2017, inter-communal violence between the Lendu and Hema has reignited in recent years. The recent campaign of terror by the Islamist Allied Democratic Forces has also served to increase violence in the country’s north-eastern region.

While violence continues in eastern DRC, there is potentially more progress in the hugely important mining sector located largely in the Upper Katanga province, where there has been much less violence. Tshisekedi’s government is involved in a long process of negotiations with a consortium of Chinese mining investors based in the south-east of the country.
These negotiations, while slow, may yet yield some benefits for the Congolese state. The talks centre on how much money Chinese investors will give the statein return for the minerals they mine.
In May, the president stated that he believed previous mining contracts could be reviewed. In general, he sought to renegotiate the infamous Sicomines “minerals-for-infrastructure” deal that was struck between a group of Chinese investors and the Congolese government in 2008. In August, he formed a commission to examine mining deals with a view to getting better terms in general.

Looking to the future​

If a good mining deal can be arrived at, the relative prosperity of this sector could serve to propel Tshisekedi’s plans beyond the old 100 day emergency programme.

First, it could help the ailing infrastructure sector, which has seen little development. Much of it is in a state of disrepair. A decent road network would help to propel business and not least those in the agricultural sector, which is so important for the DRC.

Secondly, more state funds could help the president tackle the problems in the education system. There is currently a serious teacher strike in the DRC, with lack of pay being one of the reasons for the stoppage. This is a problem in need of an urgent solution.

Third, the DRC’s health sector could also do with a boost in investment, not least because of the pandemic.

In short, Tshisekedi’s government now has some hard-won political capital with which to enact some of the changes that he promised during his campaign. Some of these changes could be delivered if a decent mining deal can be negotiated, and if that money finds its way to the right places.

The mining sector – controversial as it is – has seen sustained growth since the commodity boom in 2007. Transparency within the mining sector is also reportedly improving. It is, therefore, time for Tshisekedi to secure a good deal and resolve some of the many problems his citizens are experiencing.
 
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