Simon Cong (Cong Mao Huai)

Simon Cong

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23/04/2021

China-DRC middleman Simon Cong goes into copper mining with Gecamines​

Influential Chinese businessman Simon Cong, who is close to the Kabila clan and has interests throughout the Congolese economy, is due to start operations soon on a copper mining venture in Haut-Katanga. [...] (696 words)
Published on 23/04/2021 at 05:00 GMT Reading time 3 minutes



26/04/2021

Haut-Katanga: close to the Kabila clan, Chinese businessman Simon Cong will soon start copper production with Gécamines​


Very close to the Kabila clan and invested in all parts of the Congolese economy, the very influential Chinese businessman Simon Cong will start operations in the next few days on a copper site in Haut-Katanga not far from Likasi, says the africa intelligence site.

If the relatives of the clan of former DRC President Joseph Kabila are discreet because of his party's exit from the government coalition of the current Head of State Félix Tshisekedi, their affairs are..

Chinese businessman Cong Mao Huai, who has been the key business intermediary between his native country and the DRC for several decades, is reportedly launching a copper factory with a capacity of 30,000 tons per year near Likasi, in Upper Katanga. The unit, powered by the adjacent mine, should also make it possible to produce cobalt.

It is through New Minerals Investment that Simon Cong would operate this project. Having bought shares in this permit from the public company Gécamines, which remains a minority shareholder of the site, Simon Cong had initially considered a partnership with the Chinese giant, Huayou Cobalt.

In December 2017, this group operating several mines in the DRC had reached an agreement with New Minerals Investment to invest $66 million in the development of the copper and cobalt mine located not far from Likasi. However, the price of cobalt was then in full swing, at about $75,000 per tonne, with a peak of around $95,000 per tonne reached in April 2018, before "deplunging back" to $30,000 in 2019, prompting Huayou to review its plans and withdraw from the project.

Proximity to the Kabila family
Settled for more than twenty years in the DRC, Simon Cong is known to be close to the Kabila, and especially to Joseph's brother, Zoé Kabila Mwanza Mbala. The latter is governor of the family's fief, Tanganyika province (born from the Katanga division), although his refusal to rally the sacred union around President Tshisekedi weakens him and led to the impeachment of deputies who support him. His sister Jaynet Kabila is a deputy for the province.

Through the company he controls, Dathomir Mining Resources, Simon Cong holds shares in one of the projects presented as flagships for the development of Tanganyika, Manono lithium. It is operated by the Australian company AVZ Minerals and the Congolese State owns 25% via the public company Cominière. Last September, AVZ reached an agreement to buy Dathomir's shares in the project

Omnipresent in mines

AVZ was led until June 2018 by businessman Klaus Eckhof, a serial investor in the DRC mining sector, whose company AJN Resources had controversy in 2019 because of an agreement with the public firm Sokimo to buy shares in gold permits with very rich resources.

AVZ lithium is not the only mining project in which Klaus Eckhof and Simon Cong were co-shareholders. They both held interests in the Giro deposit in Ituri for a long time, especially with Giro Goldfields and Amani Gold.

Simon Cong holds interests in many other mining sites in the DRC. In Tanganyika, another Simon Cong entity, MCC Resources, had acquired lithium perimeters, and he had founded the companies Société de mines d'Or Resources as well as MM Mining. He had also entered into a partnership through his company Shining Mining with the public entity Société de développement industriel et miner du Congo (Sodimico) to develop the Musoshi copper and cobalt project in Upper Katanga.

Trade, industry and infrastructure...

Active far beyond the mining industry, Simon Cong was able to partner in business with influential businessmen from the DRC. In 2016, the company dedicated to trade Regal Sud Kivu was created. Its leaders are Simon Cong and Jean-Claude Damseaux, from the eponymous Belgian family that created an empire in the DRC, especially in the agri-food industry, with the Orgaman group.

Simon Cong is also present in the manufacture of steel balls with Da Tang Steel, electrical infrastructure with Katanga Energy Corp and Lualaba Centrale Hydraulique, construction via Hypnose, or import-export through Ethiopian Consultant. He is also known for being the owner of the Kempinski Hotel Fleuve Congo, one of the largest establishments in Kinshasa.

Tsieleka/Africa Intelligence



www.africaintelligence.com

DRC : Congolese lithium capital Manono set to come under Kabila clan control - 25/03/2019 - Africa Intelligence


After having reigned over Congo-K for the last 22 years, the Kabila family needs to invent a new future for itself. Having left the presidential throne to Felix Tshisekedi in January, the clan has - 3/25/2019
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02/09/2022

Places of Power: DRC’s Fleuve Congo hotel, ‘the cream of the crop’​

This article is part of the dossier:
By Anna Sylvestre-Treiner, Special correspondent in Kinshasa

If presidential palaces are symbols of the power of heads of state, other places and buildings still play a crucial role. This is the case of the Fleuve Congo, whose 22 floors and old-fashioned charm dominate the heart of Kinshasa.

It all happens in the lift. Gone are the pretences, the theatrics adopted in the lobby. In the bronze-walled rooms of the Fleuve Congo hotel, visitors can no longer lie.

Do you press the button for the fifth floor, the floor just above those reserved for the administration? Then you are just an ordinary journalist. Is your room on the 15th? Then everything indicates that you are a prominent artist or a businessman out prospecting. Do you move up to the 20th or 21st? You must be a minister, a discreet advisor to a powerful person or a successful businessman. The 22nd and last floor is obvious: the presidential suite.

From up there, the view of the gargantuan Congo River is incomparable. On the opposite side is another world: Brazzaville, a few buildings and a bridge. Back on the Kinshasa bank, turn your head to the left and just behind the wall topped with barbed wire, you will see the residence of the former president, Joseph Kabila, before your gaze gets lost in the vegetation. To the right is the white villa of former presidential candidate Martin Fayulu, and then part of the Gombe, the ‘autonomous republic’ that houses official buildings and the villas of the richest Kinshasa residents.

Since its opening in 2012, the 25,000 square metres of this five-star establishment have become the place to be. It is also where the Congolese state accommodates its guests and some of its dignitaries. Some government figures even have year-round reservations. With rooms that cost between €300 ($299) and €1200 a night, guests are bound to be important.

The staff are well versed in their demands, even the most outlandish ones. There are those who ask, for example, that the entire room decoration be changed before their arrival: they provide a photo of the place as they want it. Those who are unsatisfied with the tournedos, lobsters and other dishes on the menu, demand insects.

Small calibre on the belt

However, on this day in November 2021, the problem is of a different magnitude. In the hall, it’s all hands on deck. Six heads of state are expected. Officially, they are here for a forum on positive masculinity that is taking place at the hotel. The metal detectors are out, the red carpets are being frantically brushed and, alongside a few overexcited supporters brought in by bus, dozens of heavily armed military 4×4s have invaded the Tshatshi Boulevard that runs alongside the hotel. The place is now bunkered. To enter, you have to show a white coat.

The atmosphere on the floors is electric. The emergency exits have all been opened to allow for an express evacuation, and composed figures have taken up positions on each of the landings. Their suits do not manage to conceal the small guns tucked into their belts. Paul Kagame’s security has taken up its position.

It is rare that the Rwandan president travels to Kinshasa; this is only the second time since Félix Tshisekedi came to power in 2019 and Kagame will only stay a few hours, at the bare minimum. The two heads of state absolutely must talk: at the end of November, Tshisekedi is about to authorise the Ugandan army to carry out operations against the Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) on its soil. He must inform his Rwandan counterpart, and it is in a suite in the Fleuve Congo that he does so.

Far from the Palace of the Nation, where he welcomed his peers earlier in the day, Tshisekedi is holding many face-to-face meetings at the top of the five-star tower. He is not only talking with the Senegalese Macky Sall, to whom he will hand over the presidency of the African Union in February 2022 but also with Denis Sassou Nguesso. The Congolese are at home here: this is his favourite hotel when he sleeps in Kinshasa; one of his cousins even got married here, but today he will only be passing through, returning to Brazzaville by helicopter in the evening.

‘Africa’s Wall Trade Centre’

Some speculate that it is the size of the rooms (at least 37 square metres) and the large number of suites that make the Fleuve Congo so popular. In these small flats, one can receive guests in complete safety and privacy. After the announcement of Tshisekedi’s victory in the 2018 presidential election, when the disputes were as intense as the pressure, it was in one of the hotel’s suites that Corneille Nangaa took refuge, recalls a keen political observer. The president of the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI) does not live very far away…


The prestige of the building dates back to the vision of the man behind its construction: Mobutu. Although the hotel has only been in existence for 20 years, this large glass tower on the banks of the river changed the face of Kinshasa in the mid-1970s. It was a time when the president was not yet a field marshal, but was already dreaming big. He wanted to erect the tallest building in sub-Saharan Africa so he launched the construction of the building, which was then called CCIZ – the International Trade Centre of Zaire. There were also the construction sites of the Sozacom building and the Limete interchange tower with its four pillars and huge spire.

It was not until the early 2010s that a man fantasised about reviving the place. His name is Cong Maohuai, but in Kinshasa, he is known as Simon Cong.

This businessman is a key intermediary between the Congolese state and several large Chinese companies.

He owns Sopeco, the company that manages the tolls on the road between Kinshasa and the port of Matadi, and on the road between Kolwezi and Lubumbashi, in Katanga. To make matters worse, Cong is on very good terms with then president Joseph Kabila and his family.

He is also close to Guy Loando Mboyo, a lawyer who became Tshisekedi’s minister for territorial development with the rank of minister of state.

This multilingual Chinese businessman who speaks perfect French…. Managed by the Swiss group Kempinski since 2014, it is now administered by Blazon Hotels, despite contacts with Accor Hotels.

The first five-star hotel in the city, it is also the headquarters of the Congo Construction Company, a company owned by Du Wei, a friend of Cong.

The businessman is also well known in Kinshasa and his company is one of the major actors exposed by ‘Congo Hold-up‘, the investigation led by a consortium of media and NGOs on the massive embezzlement of funds during the years of Joseph Kabila’s reign (2001-2018) for alleged roles in the ‘contract of the century’- an agreement signed between the DRC and China that has never been honoured.

Ruinart versus cognac

Frequented by businessmen as soon as it opened, it is also a favourite of politicians. It is customary for governments to meet within its walls, which are decorated in a slightly old-fashioned style. “We all live in the neighbourhood and spend hours in the lobby of this hotel: receiving at the Fleuve Congo is easier,” says an adviser to the Congolese president. The last two prime ministers, Sylvestre Ilunga and Sama Lukonde received prospective ministers here. One can wait for an audience for days, or rather nights: the most strategic meetings are held around 2 am when the city is sleeping.

Here again, it’s upstairs. On the eighth and top floor is the trendiest place in town. This is where the offspring of politicians come to have a drink and dance at weekends: as guest stars, the president’s children are often seen there. At the Belvedere, the obligatory drink is champagne, which is consumed in large quantities and to be in the know, you have to order Ruinart.

The atmosphere is definitely different from that of the Congo River, where it doesn’t matter what you drink, as long as it’s expensive. When on the terrace, the sweet notes of Congolese Rhumba resound; what the customers regularly ask for is “the most expensive bottle on the menu”. It is a cognac that costs $6,000.

 
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Simon Cong pictures are rare. A real picture even rarer yet, as he often is seen out in public in disguise.

His penchant for being a massive cunt often leans into his needs for travelling in disguise.



Here is a rare a picture of Simon Cong



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Biding my Time 1971
Clearly photoshopped to improve the image
 
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09/09/2022

At the center of a nebula: Simon Cong, the new Congolese mining magnate, before the Lubumbashi Court of Appeal​

September 9, 2022 TIGHANA MASIALA Economy , NEWS FEED

Comments offon At the center of a nebula: Simon Cong, the new Congolese mining magnate, before the Lubumbashi Court of Appeal

Simon Cong, owner of the ''Fleuve Congo Hôtel'', was received in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and graciously benefited from the manna of the opportunity to develop his business there and to put together with the Government a partnership company called ''DATHCOM MINING SAS'', under the Kabila regime to develop the Manono Lithium project. He is also the shareholder behind the company ''DATHOMIR INTERNATIONAL CORP'' which is today the sole shareholder of his company ''DATHOMIR'' according to the documents to which our investigators had access as much as the Inspector General of Finance (IGF) .

Chinese Cong Maohuai also led Dathomir Mining Resources Sarlu,

Six of the concessions sampled in Global Witness' 45-page report entitled ''RENEWABLE ENERGY, WHAT IT COST? A dive into the emerging Congolese lithium sector, of which Manono's Dathcom Mining project (on PR13359) and one of Tantalex's concessions (PR13698), are or have been partly owned or acquired from companies associated with Cong Maohuai so as to be investigated by the Congolese government with civil society.

Dathomir Mining Resources Sarlu is 100% owned by Dathomir Internationa Corp., represented by Mr. Cong. According to information received from concurring credible sources, Dathomir Mining Resources Sarlu was recorded as the main shareholder of AVZ in the company's 2018 and 2017 annual reports. A year later, in the 2019 annual report of AVZ Minerals, Dathomir Mining Resources Sarlu is no longer among the top 20 shareholders of AVZ Minerals for obvious reasons.

According to several sources and documents, it is established that Simon Cong Maohuai exercised, in the period of five months which had elapsed between the establishment of the joint venture and the purchase of the majority of the shares by AVZ Minerals, as representative of Dathomir Mining Resources Sarlu and briefly as Chairman of Dathcom Mining SAS.

In the case pending before the Court of Appeal, Mr. Cong Maohuai and his company pursued his own joint venture with the Congolese State Dathcom Mining SA (partnership company and also an important project of the Government and Cominière).

The facts of the case registered under RPA 7610 at the Court of Appeal of Lubumbashi

On September 16, 2021, Simon Cong, through his company Dathomir Mining Resources Sarlu, outgoing shareholder of the partnership company Dathcom Mining SA after having sold all his shares received free of charge from Cominière, had seized on "direct summons" the Court of Grande Instance du Haut-Katanga in Lubumbashi with a view to prosecuting the poor clerk of the Single Window for "forgery and use of forgery" for having regularly and legally carried an official seal on the register of shares, not of the counter but of the company Dathcom Mining SA.He also sued the Managing Director of the said company in which he claims to be a shareholder through his company Dathomir Mining Resources Sarlu for "complicity" in having updated the company's databases after the sale by Dathomir Mining Resources Sarlu of his actions to the majority shareholder AVZ International Ltd and, more seriously, to condemn the state partnership company to several tens of millions of US dollars.
According to the investigations and the lawyers of Dathcom Mining, while the hearing had been scheduled for December 22, 2022, the company Dathcom to protect itself had requested the "given act" in order to suspect the said Tribunal de Grande Instance of Lubumbashi whose elements evidence had indicated suspicious activity with Mr. Cong and his people. The Court of Cassation in Kinshasa had approved and acted but miraculously, as in a state of lawlessness, the Chief Registrar who was to issue the "Given act" in order to file it before the Tribunal de Grande Instance in Lubumbashi for blocking this procedure and having it transferred to another jurisdiction which would have allowed fair justice respecting the rights of the parties and a fair legal fight did not.

What seems to have already been prepared had happened and the Tribunal de Grande Instance of Lubumbashi rendered a judgment described as "not only unfair but unthinkable" by Dathcom's counsel, condemning:
  1. The clerk PAPALAS MUSAGI WABULASA (Principal Author) sentenced with admission of mitigating circumstances to 12 months of main penal servitude suspended for 12 months and a fine of 200,000 Congolese Francs. Failing payment within the legal period, he will suffer 10 days of subsidiary penal servitude with condemnation to the payment of a symbolic franc as damages for the benefit of the Dathomir company of Mr. Cong.
  2. The managing director of the company Dathcom (accomplice according to the complaint), Graeme Johnston, was sentenced in absentia (because he had been absent from the country due to COVID for more than two years), to three years of main penal servitude with immediate arrest and to a fine of 200,000 Congolese Francs. This is where the scandal and suspicion hold.
  3. The Dathcom company (in which Dathomir was supposed to be a shareholder and bearer of the Manono project, of which the State is entitled to 10%, Cominière is a shareholder and the people of Manono are awaiting the benefits), was found to be civilly liable for the payment of the sum of 50,000,000 US dollars (Fifty million US dollars) payable in Congolese Francs. A second scandal in favor of a Chinese who got everything graciously from Cominière in Dathcom but who earns millions of dollars on the back of the Republic in complicity with certain citizens and certain institutions of the country. This is not possible for a Congolese in China or under other skies.
    This decision, described as ''unfair'' by several Congolese observers and jurists, rendered on December 24, 2021, ie just two days after the hearing and without having received the defense pleadings, in particular from the partnership company Dathcom , had been rendered by magistrates NDUME RUGADJO Patrick (President of the Chamber), MALANGU MUDIFIDI (judge) and NGOIE TSHIKALA (judge) with the assistance of MENDA KONJI (Officer of the Public Prosecutor's Office). She had thrown a discredit on justice, because it was the first time that not only the accomplishment was punished by 3 years is stronger than the main author who was 12 with a suspended sentence of 12 months with extenuating circumstances;
    Through this judgment Dathomir and its owner Simon Cong had shown contempt not only for the Congolese people who had given him the opportunity to come and do business in the Democratic Republic of Congo under the previous regime but, in addition, by condemning the company of Dathcom partnership created to manage the Manono project, they wanted the Congolese people, the public company Cominière as well as the Government of the Republic to be able to pay this famous Chinese 50 million US dollars. The conviction of the Dathcom company implies that those who will pay this sum on behalf of the company to Mr. Cong are the following shareholders: Congolese State, AVZ International,
    In view of these facts, the Minister of State in charge of Justice and Keeper of the Seals had reacted energetically by condemning these judgments and instructing the prison service to open an investigation to establish responsibilities by her letter under No. R271 /RKM/111/ APP/CAB/ME/MIN/J and GS/2022 of February 1, 2022, ordering the General Inspectorate of Judicial and Penitentiary Services to examine the facts and report to it.
  4. Despite the reaction and disapproval of the patron saint of justice in the country, Mr. Simon Cong will still challenge the Congolese State and especially the efforts of the President of the Republic and Head of State, the Congolese government and the population of Manono by diligent the case in question on appeal under RPA 7610 while the Dathcom company awaits its notification miraculously and illegally blocked by the Mining Registry which nevertheless issued a favorable opinion, leading to a daily loss evaluated by the majority shareholder at "more than million dollars (and having lost more than $100 million to date).
  5. It is urgent to ask by what miracle and on the basis of what law the judges of the Court of Cassation refused to render their decision to "act" in order to allow Dathcom Mining to suspect the Court of Appeal of Lubumbashi as does the law provide ? How and why did judges not appear individually at the composition to deliver the verdict? According to the Momentum firm contacted by the investigators advising Dathcom Mining, of the more than 28 cases taken under advisement, 26 cases had been pronounced and only the two cases of his client remained undecided. Who is preventing Dathcom from defending itself honestly and for what reason? Just justice and the rule of law are put to the test by a stranger who has earned more from his victim than he has given to him,
Simon Cong wants to establish himself as the king of lithium
While all eyes are on the leadership of His Excellency the President who is more concerned with the start of the project and the situation of the people of Manono, Dathomir after having regularly sold its shares in AVZ, changes position after the release of the Feasibility Study which raised everyone's interest in the project.

The release of the said Feasibility Study having changed his point of view, Dathomir of the Chinese Simon Cong decided to prosecute his own company without worrying that he would charge the Congolese State, Cominière (his two benefactors) as well as AVZ International the 50 Million US dollars he is claiming from Dathcom Mining.

The DRC has allowed Mr. Cong to win juicy contracts, he is involved in several mining concessions in Manono including through companies like MINOCOM with links to TANTALEX as well as more than six mining concessions since the past regime.

For some time now, it has therefore been against the will of the Head of State to see the project started as quickly as possible that Mr. Cong and his company Dathomir have been using unsuitable maneuvers to make him pay more after the sale by using justice through trials that do not respect the rights of the defense or the laws of the country.

The media and civil society organizations member of the Coalition "the DRC and its people first" call on the IGF to investigate in depth the involvement of this Chinese citizen in the selling off of state mining assets in Cominière whose operations to obtain research permits PR 12436 , 12449 and 12450. Because after the publication of the IGF report on Cominière, the Congolese do not understand how he managed to escape from legal action. Would this gentleman be protected by certain high-ranking personalities taunting the higher authorities of the country and allowing him to taunt an entire country? Investigations by state institutions are needed, including those of the APLC and the National Assembly.
For certain civil society organizations in Lubumbashi and Kinshasa which are also investigating this case, "Simon Cong does not give a damn about the people of Manono and multiplies maneuvers by using justice to enrich himself more than the Congolese State, which owns the assets mines for which butter is made".

During the workshop organized last August at CEPAS on Lithium in the DRC by CERN-CENCO, the participants, including those of the Minister of Mines, mentioned that Mr. Cong, through his company Dathomir Mining Resources Sarlu, was to contribute by a stake in the Manono Lithium project in Dathcom Mining SA; all the participants of this CEPAS workshop had learned and realized that to date this Chinese citizen has not contributed anything while he and his Dathomir have earned a lot of money using the country's mining concessions managed by Cominière SA .
While this country has given him everything and offered opportunities for regular good, it is established today, given his legal actions in Lubumbashi mentioned above, that Mr. Cong is one of the people who block the development of the Manono Lithium project and that of the country for the benefit of the interests of a group to be quickly identified and exposed according to the call of the President of the Republic of 2019 against all those who are suspected of maintaining anti-values in the DRC.

A survey carried out by Congo Nouveau, Le Socle, Econews, RCEN, Le Leader, Mining News Magazine, the coalition "All for the DRC" and the Consrtium "The DRC and its people first".

 
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13/03/2023

Chinese contract: "The business climate should not be confused with predation", Jules Alingete responds to Chinese companies
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In a letter sent on March 5 to the President of the Republic, Félix Tshisekedi, the Union of mining companies with Chinese capital -USMCC-, created in 2017, claiming 42 members including 25 mining companies and 17 mining service companies, the production in 2022 of 1,850,000 tons of copper and more than 85,000 tons of cobalt, representing respectively 80% and 76% of national production for 3 billion dollars as well as the creation of 60,000 jobs, protests against both the Presidency of the Republic, the Parliament, the Minister of Finance, the financial authorities and the General Inspectorate of Finance -IGF-, all accused of pursuing Chinese companies, referring in particular to the Tenke Fungurume Mining and Sicomines cases, and crying out about the deterioration of the business climate.The letter also accuses the tax authorities and even the partners and the Parliament of imposing astronomical fines on them even though they have no reason or proof of infringement.

Chinese companies also say they were shocked by the February 15, 2023 release of the IGF China Contract Report. “We found that this report makes many baseless accusations against Chinese companies without mentioning any of the benefits that the Chinese Contract has offered to the Congolese side such as helping DR Congo to overcome its financial difficulties, the promotion of the return of international investors to the DRC, the considerable increase in Congolese mining production capacity, the establishment in a strategic market of China, the significant dividends paid to the Congolese party, the creation of many local jobs and the construction of a large amount of infrastructure", described the president of this structure, a certain Gong Qingguo,

Then: "Furthermore, the publication of this report caused enormous media hype, which not only damaged the friendly atmosphere of Sino-Congolese cooperation and seriously tarnished the image of Chinese enterprises, but also undermined the confidence of our member companies in their investments in the DRC. Because of the publication of such a report by a public institution of a friendly country that is the DRC, we cannot help but worry deeply about the deterioration of the business climate in the DRC”.

Mesh starting with all!
Gong Qingguo prays to Felix Tshisekedi "to properly settle differences and help companies solve problems in order to achieve common development". But, in reality, he does not want to admit that Chinese companies have trouble with all the services mentioned because of their behavior refractory to the laws of the country.

For example, Chief of Staff Guylain Nyembo is tracking China Molybdenum Co for manipulation of finances in its partnership with Gécamines in Tenke Fungurume Mining. Connoisseurs advance 5 billion dollars. The Minister of Finance, Nicolas Kazadi, claims superprofits from Chinese companies operating in the mining sector.

The financial authorities complained about their incivility in taxation when the General Inspectorate of Finance -IGF- published a report damning the Chinese contracts, deemed unbalanced and unfavorable to the Democratic Republic of Congo, and another on the selling off of the shares of la Cominière undervalued for the benefit of Dathcom Mining, before launching, at the beginning of March, a vast control on the receipts of tolls managed by the Chinese companies SOPECO and SGR.

The first official to react to this missive, the Inspector General Head of Service of the IGF, Jules Alingete Key, reserves a firm response to these tendentious accusations from Chinese companies, while ensuring that he does not have particularly anti Chinese and sweeping away the thesis of deterioration of the business climate. Rather, he argues, in an interview with AfricaNews, "the patriotic, legitimate feeling of defending, regardless of the Regime, the interests of the Democratic Republic of Congo before all national and international predators, whatever their origin".

“There is no anti-Chinese sentiment. Nor is there any deterioration in the business climate. The business climate should not be confused with predation. It only exists for serious investors and not for fraudsters," he asks, asking why these Chinese companies are experiencing exponential enrichment when their contribution to the State Budget in terms of tax is very insignificant and , worse, decreasing.

“Why do these companies not pay the duties due to the State? According to them, the business climate is the ease of defrauding and not paying taxes in a country? tolls on the roads of the Democratic Republic of Congo without building anything in return but to finance their private investments in the mining sector.

The Sicomines with a contract qualified as a new form of colonization, the funds for the tolls of the roads of the Republic with the Chinese companies SOPECO and SGR as well as the company Dathcom, the IGF swears, for its part, to engage in a fierce struggle to defend the interests and rights of the common country. “The business world has only interests as a language. We must at all costs defend the Democratic Republic of Congo against predation and hunt down its perpetrators, regardless of their origin. It is the work of the IGF”, certifies and knocks Alingete. Gong Qingguo and his legion had better watch out, while at the Presidency, at Finance, at the IGF as well as at the DGI and the DGRAD, the reaction was unanimous: "Chinese companies must stop behaving as licensed fraudsters and to comply with the Laws of the country".

Why the IGF is scaring hounded Chinese like never before…
The IGF seems to scare Chinese companies. Since the advent of Jules Alingete, she has published in turn two shocking reports on Cominière and the Chinese Contracts at the origin of the birth of Sicomines. The first led to the arrest and imprisonment, since November 2022 in Makala, of the Director General of Cominière, Athanase Mwamba Misao, and its Technical Director, Célestin Kibeya, two agents accused by the IGF and prosecuted by the Prosecutor. general to the Kinshasa/Gombe Court of Appeal for illegal transfer of Cominière's undervalued shares in Dathcom Mining and poor management of dividends estimated at 33.5 million dollars.

Devoted to Chinese Contracts and Sicomines, the second IGF report overwhelms the Chinese side, which did not respect its commitments but alone swallowed up more than 10 billion dollars against less than 800 million dollars for the Democratic Republic of Congo, before denouncing the overbilling of the infrastructure markets linked to this deal.

Thanks to this pressure from the IGF, Sicomines, unpacked, agreed to let go of a piece, i.e. 500 million dollars payable in two installments, just for the year 2023, while the IGF is calling for negotiations to lead to the payment of 1 billion dollars by the Chinese.

At the same time, Justice, refusing to remain passive in the face of such abuses and anti-values, decided to track down the perpetrators of the overbilling of Chinese contract work. In the viewfinder of the Attorney General in charge of the case: the Congolese Agency for Major Works -ACGT-, the Works Monitoring and Coordination Office, formerly headed by Moise Ekanga, currently staying in Brussels, and Sicomines.

Alingete does not cross his arms. Driven by his flair, he undertook, this time, to scratch the toll rights installed on the National 1 Kinshasa-Matadi-Boma in Kongo Central, the Lubumbashi-Kasumbalesa road in Haut-Katanga and the road linking Lubumbashi to Kolwezi, capital of the province of Lualaba. In Kongo Central, the management of these rights falls to SOPECO and for Grand-Katanga this responsibility lies with the SGR. On March 6 in the capital, Alingete brings together the heads of these two companies to announce the start of the mission of the IGF spread over the revenues made during the last 12 years, i.e. between 2010 and 2022.



In 2021 in Kongo Central, the president of the Provincial Assembly, Jean-Claude Vuemba, already castigated the poor management of SOPECO staff and demanded his departure. “If nothing is done, there will be serious measures against this company managed by the Chinese”, thundered the president of the deliberative body of this province. The same year, the NGO Congo is not for sale -CNPAV- warned of a major conflict of interest in the management of the Lubumbashi-Kasumbalesa toll, pointing the finger at a monk from the former presidential family. According to CNPAV, the management of this strategic section, the main export route for copper and cobalt ores, has long opposed Sicomines to the party concerned. Some time later, Sicomines withdrew in favor of the latter's company, which continues to benefit and collect the money from this toll.

Dathcom Mining, SICOMINES, SOPECO and SGR have one thing in common: Chinese tycoon Simon Cong. "In addition to these four companies, Sieur Cong has interests in Tenke Fungurume Mining, the Hotel du Fleuve and various other mining operations across the country", reveals a source at the General Directorate of Taxes -DGI-, specifying that this man of businesses and its companies are reluctant to pay taxes and duties due to the state, suggesting that the IGF must have detected unorthodox clues and established shady connections between these companies before launching its investigations.

From the Dathcom affair to the tolls, the chief cop of the IGF begins to poke his nose too much into the opaque affairs of the wealthy Chinese, of his financial empire and to discover their modus operandi. Chased and cornered like never before, Chinese companies seem to be stunned. They are obliged to defend themselves… awkwardly, by shifting the debate, by wanting to present the Inspector General, head of the IGF as this personality who maintains and cultivates anti-Chinese sentiment in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Africa News / MCP, via mediacongo.net
 
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Xerof

Biding my Time 1971
From the Dathcom affair to the tolls, the chief cop of the IGF begins to poke his nose too much into the opaque affairs of the wealthy Chinese, of his financial empire and to discover their modus operandi. Chased and cornered like never before, Chinese companies seem to be stunned. They are obliged to defend themselves… awkwardly, by shifting the debate, by wanting to present the Inspector General, head of the IGF as this personality who maintains and cultivates anti-Chinese sentiment in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Can we get some sort of auto loop post on twitter for this marvellous piece of commentary
 
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From the Dathcom affair to the tolls, the chief cop of the IGF begins to poke his nose too much into the opaque affairs of the wealthy Chinese, of his financial empire and to discover their modus operandi. Chased and cornered like never before, Chinese companies seem to be stunned. They are obliged to defend themselves… awkwardly, by shifting the debate, by wanting to present the Inspector General, head of the IGF as this personality who maintains and cultivates anti-Chinese sentiment in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Can we get some sort of auto loop post on twitter for this marvellous piece of commentary

@Xerof send a private message to @Spikerama @TDITD @JAG ....they are good at that sort of thing on twitter, I'm not on twitter and I'm not on tse anymore, I'm just here organizing some information.

As I mentioned before, I thought tse would have been a good place for shareholders to gather and share information to help other shareholders and AVZ, but for every shareholder who contributes, there is an equal number who just post bullshit or whinge and whine under the so called banner of venting. In the end I lost motivation to keep discussing info here

To be honest with you I only came back trying to find the info I had on the governor of Tanganyika who just got the arse because from memory I thought Tshisekedi only recently appointed the governor there and that governor was approving AJN’s claim on the northern section of our tenement, which implies Tshisekedi’s involvement…. But at this stage I can’t find that info, that’s why I try to categorise it amongst all the bullshit
 
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JAG

Top 20
From the Dathcom affair to the tolls, the chief cop of the IGF begins to poke his nose too much into the opaque affairs of the wealthy Chinese, of his financial empire and to discover their modus operandi. Chased and cornered like never before, Chinese companies seem to be stunned. They are obliged to defend themselves… awkwardly, by shifting the debate, by wanting to present the Inspector General, head of the IGF as this personality who maintains and cultivates anti-Chinese sentiment in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

Can we get some sort of auto loop post on twitter for this marvellous piece of commentary
who wrote that kunt
 
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Xerof

Biding my Time 1971
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bloke383

Regular
@Xerof send a private message to @Spikerama @TDITD @JAG ....they are good at that sort of thing on twitter, I'm not on twitter and I'm not on tse anymore, I'm just here organizing some information.

As I mentioned before, I thought tse would have been a good place for shareholders to gather and share information to help other shareholders and AVZ, but for every shareholder who contributes, there is an equal number who just post bullshit or whinge and whine under the so called banner of venting. In the end I lost motivation to keep discussing info here

To be honest with you I only came back trying to find the info I had on the governor of Tanganyika who just got the arse because from memory I thought Tshisekedi only recently appointed the governor there and that governor was approving AJN’s claim on the northern section of our tenement, which implies Tshisekedi’s involvement…. But at this stage I can’t find that info, that’s why I try to categorise it amongst all the bullshit
Elected on May 6, 2022, Julie Ngungwa spent only one year at the head of Tanganyika province. Some provincial elected officials accuse her of embezzling $95,014 that she would not have paid to the territories. For the construction of the Mahito Bridge, the province reportedly disbursed more than $71,000, while the contract amount was more like $21,000, or $50,000 more.
 
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Dave Evans

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Carlos 🔥

The only way AVZ can get around needing the ICC for the Dathomir 15% to be transferred to them is if the DRC government intervenes, someone gives Cong more money or Cong decides to comply with the contract he signed (and intended to be bound by) to avoid being made liable for damages. One of those scenarios is far more likely than the ICC case brought by AVZ against Dathomir running its full course imo

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The opinions and research I share are my own and I am not licensed. External links are not recommended. To be safe, conduct
 
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Dave Evans

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Carlos on fire 🔥 again

Agree with the sentiment, but in my limited understanding, clarity of the Dathcom ownership structure is a consideration in the ML award process. I believe AVZ referenced as much in their 'cease and desist' letter to Cominiere.

AVZ's letter is dated 4/8/21 and in part 2.1.6. they say 'CAMI is examining the structure of the shareholding at this time'. This was during the technical opinion process. CAMI approved Dathcom's application on 17/9/21.

Management have repeatedly said that ownership isn't an issue with getting the licence. Technically they are correct but the haters have used the lack of certainty of funding caused by these ownership dramas to delay the project imo

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Carlos 🔥

The only way AVZ can get around needing the ICC for the Dathomir 15% to be transferred to them is if the DRC government intervenes, someone gives Cong more money or Cong decides to comply with the contract he signed (and intended to be bound by) to avoid being made liable for damages. One of those scenarios is far more likely than the ICC case brought by AVZ against Dathomir running its full course imo

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Oil&Gas
@OilGasAtoms

important article on Simon Cong and Zoe KabIla and the young Guy Loando

#CongoHoldup
#RDC
Behind Simon Cong is Zoe KabIla IGF reports misappropriation of $700mil USD

$AVZ
#Manono https://amp.rfi.fr/cn/非洲/20211202-congo-hold-up系列调查-中国刚果建筑公司,世纪丑闻-一

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Sep 24
16 months later, which ‘foreigner’ is the #RDC 100% silent on in the Dathcom dispute? $AVZ Why silent on Cong Maohuai? (your) left side, of Ambassador, jacket buttoned, is Cong Maohuai / Simon Cong. #CongoHoldup Will Interpol arrest him for perverting the course of Justice?


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8:27 AM · Sep 25, 2023

 
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28/09/2023
Carlos Posted


The money was wired to Cong and then he wired it back. No documents needed. SPA's usually contain payment instructions and that was almost certainly followed exactly by AVZ's lawyers.

Pretty sure Graeme Johnston was convicted for allegedly illegally registering the 15% into AVZ's name upon completion of the payment for both SPA's. But that makes no legal sense as you can't just rip up contracts because the value of the asset went up. If the lithium price had of crashed as all the experts were predicting at the time Cong would have gladly taken the money and run. As frequent visitor to Epstein island Prince Andrew once said about contracts 'you have to take the rough with the smooth'.

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Dave Evans

Regular
09/09/2022

At the center of a nebula: Simon Cong, the new Congolese mining magnate, before the Lubumbashi Court of Appeal​

September 9, 2022 TIGHANA MASIALA Economy , NEWS FEED

Comments offon At the center of a nebula: Simon Cong, the new Congolese mining magnate, before the Lubumbashi Court of Appeal

Simon Cong, owner of the ''Fleuve Congo Hôtel'', was received in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and graciously benefited from the manna of the opportunity to develop his business there and to put together with the Government a partnership company called ''DATHCOM MINING SAS'', under the Kabila regime to develop the Manono Lithium project. He is also the shareholder behind the company ''DATHOMIR INTERNATIONAL CORP'' which is today the sole shareholder of his company ''DATHOMIR'' according to the documents to which our investigators had access as much as the Inspector General of Finance (IGF) .

Chinese Cong Maohuai also led Dathomir Mining Resources Sarlu,

Six of the concessions sampled in Global Witness' 45-page report entitled ''RENEWABLE ENERGY, WHAT IT COST? A dive into the emerging Congolese lithium sector, of which Manono's Dathcom Mining project (on PR13359) and one of Tantalex's concessions (PR13698), are or have been partly owned or acquired from companies associated with Cong Maohuai so as to be investigated by the Congolese government with civil society.

Dathomir Mining Resources Sarlu is 100% owned by Dathomir Internationa Corp., represented by Mr. Cong. According to information received from concurring credible sources, Dathomir Mining Resources Sarlu was recorded as the main shareholder of AVZ in the company's 2018 and 2017 annual reports. A year later, in the 2019 annual report of AVZ Minerals, Dathomir Mining Resources Sarlu is no longer among the top 20 shareholders of AVZ Minerals for obvious reasons.

According to several sources and documents, it is established that Simon Cong Maohuai exercised, in the period of five months which had elapsed between the establishment of the joint venture and the purchase of the majority of the shares by AVZ Minerals, as representative of Dathomir Mining Resources Sarlu and briefly as Chairman of Dathcom Mining SAS.

In the case pending before the Court of Appeal, Mr. Cong Maohuai and his company pursued his own joint venture with the Congolese State Dathcom Mining SA (partnership company and also an important project of the Government and Cominière).

The facts of the case registered under RPA 7610 at the Court of Appeal of Lubumbashi

On September 16, 2021, Simon Cong, through his company Dathomir Mining Resources Sarlu, outgoing shareholder of the partnership company Dathcom Mining SA after having sold all his shares received free of charge from Cominière, had seized on "direct summons" the Court of Grande Instance du Haut-Katanga in Lubumbashi with a view to prosecuting the poor clerk of the Single Window for "forgery and use of forgery" for having regularly and legally carried an official seal on the register of shares, not of the counter but of the company Dathcom Mining SA.He also sued the Managing Director of the said company in which he claims to be a shareholder through his company Dathomir Mining Resources Sarlu for "complicity" in having updated the company's databases after the sale by Dathomir Mining Resources Sarlu of his actions to the majority shareholder AVZ International Ltd and, more seriously, to condemn the state partnership company to several tens of millions of US dollars.
According to the investigations and the lawyers of Dathcom Mining, while the hearing had been scheduled for December 22, 2022, the company Dathcom to protect itself had requested the "given act" in order to suspect the said Tribunal de Grande Instance of Lubumbashi whose elements evidence had indicated suspicious activity with Mr. Cong and his people. The Court of Cassation in Kinshasa had approved and acted but miraculously, as in a state of lawlessness, the Chief Registrar who was to issue the "Given act" in order to file it before the Tribunal de Grande Instance in Lubumbashi for blocking this procedure and having it transferred to another jurisdiction which would have allowed fair justice respecting the rights of the parties and a fair legal fight did not.

What seems to have already been prepared had happened and the Tribunal de Grande Instance of Lubumbashi rendered a judgment described as "not only unfair but unthinkable" by Dathcom's counsel, condemning:
  1. The clerk PAPALAS MUSAGI WABULASA (Principal Author) sentenced with admission of mitigating circumstances to 12 months of main penal servitude suspended for 12 months and a fine of 200,000 Congolese Francs. Failing payment within the legal period, he will suffer 10 days of subsidiary penal servitude with condemnation to the payment of a symbolic franc as damages for the benefit of the Dathomir company of Mr. Cong.
  2. The managing director of the company Dathcom (accomplice according to the complaint), Graeme Johnston, was sentenced in absentia (because he had been absent from the country due to COVID for more than two years), to three years of main penal servitude with immediate arrest and to a fine of 200,000 Congolese Francs. This is where the scandal and suspicion hold.
  3. The Dathcom company (in which Dathomir was supposed to be a shareholder and bearer of the Manono project, of which the State is entitled to 10%, Cominière is a shareholder and the people of Manono are awaiting the benefits), was found to be civilly liable for the payment of the sum of 50,000,000 US dollars (Fifty million US dollars) payable in Congolese Francs. A second scandal in favor of a Chinese who got everything graciously from Cominière in Dathcom but who earns millions of dollars on the back of the Republic in complicity with certain citizens and certain institutions of the country. This is not possible for a Congolese in China or under other skies.
    This decision, described as ''unfair'' by several Congolese observers and jurists, rendered on December 24, 2021, ie just two days after the hearing and without having received the defense pleadings, in particular from the partnership company Dathcom , had been rendered by magistrates NDUME RUGADJO Patrick (President of the Chamber), MALANGU MUDIFIDI (judge) and NGOIE TSHIKALA (judge) with the assistance of MENDA KONJI (Officer of the Public Prosecutor's Office). She had thrown a discredit on justice, because it was the first time that not only the accomplishment was punished by 3 years is stronger than the main author who was 12 with a suspended sentence of 12 months with extenuating circumstances;
    Through this judgment Dathomir and its owner Simon Cong had shown contempt not only for the Congolese people who had given him the opportunity to come and do business in the Democratic Republic of Congo under the previous regime but, in addition, by condemning the company of Dathcom partnership created to manage the Manono project, they wanted the Congolese people, the public company Cominière as well as the Government of the Republic to be able to pay this famous Chinese 50 million US dollars. The conviction of the Dathcom company implies that those who will pay this sum on behalf of the company to Mr. Cong are the following shareholders: Congolese State, AVZ International,
    In view of these facts, the Minister of State in charge of Justice and Keeper of the Seals had reacted energetically by condemning these judgments and instructing the prison service to open an investigation to establish responsibilities by her letter under No. R271 /RKM/111/ APP/CAB/ME/MIN/J and GS/2022 of February 1, 2022, ordering the General Inspectorate of Judicial and Penitentiary Services to examine the facts and report to it.
  4. Despite the reaction and disapproval of the patron saint of justice in the country, Mr. Simon Cong will still challenge the Congolese State and especially the efforts of the President of the Republic and Head of State, the Congolese government and the population of Manono by diligent the case in question on appeal under RPA 7610 while the Dathcom company awaits its notification miraculously and illegally blocked by the Mining Registry which nevertheless issued a favorable opinion, leading to a daily loss evaluated by the majority shareholder at "more than million dollars (and having lost more than $100 million to date).
  5. It is urgent to ask by what miracle and on the basis of what law the judges of the Court of Cassation refused to render their decision to "act" in order to allow Dathcom Mining to suspect the Court of Appeal of Lubumbashi as does the law provide ? How and why did judges not appear individually at the composition to deliver the verdict? According to the Momentum firm contacted by the investigators advising Dathcom Mining, of the more than 28 cases taken under advisement, 26 cases had been pronounced and only the two cases of his client remained undecided. Who is preventing Dathcom from defending itself honestly and for what reason? Just justice and the rule of law are put to the test by a stranger who has earned more from his victim than he has given to him,
Simon Cong wants to establish himself as the king of lithium
While all eyes are on the leadership of His Excellency the President who is more concerned with the start of the project and the situation of the people of Manono, Dathomir after having regularly sold its shares in AVZ, changes position after the release of the Feasibility Study which raised everyone's interest in the project.

The release of the said Feasibility Study having changed his point of view, Dathomir of the Chinese Simon Cong decided to prosecute his own company without worrying that he would charge the Congolese State, Cominière (his two benefactors) as well as AVZ International the 50 Million US dollars he is claiming from Dathcom Mining.

The DRC has allowed Mr. Cong to win juicy contracts, he is involved in several mining concessions in Manono including through companies like MINOCOM with links to TANTALEX as well as more than six mining concessions since the past regime.

For some time now, it has therefore been against the will of the Head of State to see the project started as quickly as possible that Mr. Cong and his company Dathomir have been using unsuitable maneuvers to make him pay more after the sale by using justice through trials that do not respect the rights of the defense or the laws of the country.

The media and civil society organizations member of the Coalition "the DRC and its people first" call on the IGF to investigate in depth the involvement of this Chinese citizen in the selling off of state mining assets in Cominière whose operations to obtain research permits PR 12436 , 12449 and 12450. Because after the publication of the IGF report on Cominière, the Congolese do not understand how he managed to escape from legal action. Would this gentleman be protected by certain high-ranking personalities taunting the higher authorities of the country and allowing him to taunt an entire country? Investigations by state institutions are needed, including those of the APLC and the National Assembly.
For certain civil society organizations in Lubumbashi and Kinshasa which are also investigating this case, "Simon Cong does not give a damn about the people of Manono and multiplies maneuvers by using justice to enrich himself more than the Congolese State, which owns the assets mines for which butter is made".

During the workshop organized last August at CEPAS on Lithium in the DRC by CERN-CENCO, the participants, including those of the Minister of Mines, mentioned that Mr. Cong, through his company Dathomir Mining Resources Sarlu, was to contribute by a stake in the Manono Lithium project in Dathcom Mining SA; all the participants of this CEPAS workshop had learned and realized that to date this Chinese citizen has not contributed anything while he and his Dathomir have earned a lot of money using the country's mining concessions managed by Cominière SA .
While this country has given him everything and offered opportunities for regular good, it is established today, given his legal actions in Lubumbashi mentioned above, that Mr. Cong is one of the people who block the development of the Manono Lithium project and that of the country for the benefit of the interests of a group to be quickly identified and exposed according to the call of the President of the Republic of 2019 against all those who are suspected of maintaining anti-values in the DRC.

A survey carried out by Congo Nouveau, Le Socle, Econews, RCEN, Le Leader, Mining News Magazine, the coalition "All for the DRC" and the Consrtium "The DRC and its people first".


What seems to have already been prepared had happened and the Tribunal de Grande Instance of Lubumbashi rendered a judgment described as "not only unfair but unthinkable" by Dathcom's counsel, condemning:
  1. The clerk PAPALAS MUSAGI WABULASA (Principal Author) sentenced with admission of mitigating circumstances to 12 months of main penal servitude suspended for 12 months and a fine of 200,000 Congolese Francs. Failing payment within the legal period, he will suffer 10 days of subsidiary penal servitude with condemnation to the payment of a symbolic franc as damages for the benefit of the Dathomir company of Mr. Cong.
  2. The managing director of the company Dathcom (accomplice according to the complaint), Graeme Johnston, was sentenced in absentia (because he had been absent from the country due to COVID for more than two years), to three years of main penal servitude with immediate arrest and to a fine of 200,000 Congolese Francs. This is where the scandal and suspicion hold.

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